By Akolde N. Jinub, Juba, South Sudan

After independent in July 2011 and establishment of the first cabinet in a sovereign state, so much was expected from the Republic of South Sudan experienced ministers, their deputies, Under Secretaries and Director Generals. However, everything is still very flimsy and in mayhem. I am particularly interested in bringing to light aspects of Passport, Nationality, birth certificate and what is so-called bataka sheiksiya – which literally means professional certificate. Thanks our enable minister Gen. Alison for making all possible efforts to have these documents in place and in great quality as is being rumoured that South Sudan passport ranks third after two other nations’ passports in value, design and shape worldwide.  However, I would like to express my reservations on national id, the proposed bataka sheiksiya and birth/assessment of age certificate.

Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

Why have so many identification cards or travel documents to be produced when we are supposed to have only two valid documents? These are national identification card and passport, which are recognized worldwide. Of course someone has to have birth certificate or assessment of age from starting of process, national ID and to passport.

Having quality passport, our national ID should have not been produced as nationality certificate in the first place, but national ID. This has to be corrected on time. There shouldn’t have been national certificate when we already have birth/assessment certificate. We seem to be copying from our former oppressors – the Arabs of north Sudan of all their deeds.   Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period! 

Reading all documents Interior ministry, I am afraid that all is a copy and direct translations from Arabic system into English and in translation, a real meaning is distorted, value is lost and unknown result is received in quantity and form. This is true with our current affair on birth certificate, nationality and passport. When writing nationality certificate of birth, it gives a total meaning from national identity card (ID). Defining certificate as any designed paper sheet from an institution which shows that Mr. X or Y has done a, b, c and he deserves being certified for it. Identity gives a better distinction, and as such could be better used for our national ID rather than certificate. Certificate is subject to rejection by any institution or any nation than identity.

Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

As now as urgently that Republic of South Sudan is seeking resources for revenues, it is apparent that our government is yet to finding quick capitals to keep its development needs across its nascent nation. One important source of direct income is birth/assessment certificate, nationality and passport. It is worth generating huge revenues for our nation, and which can contribute to two third of national budget gap to replace oil shutdown.

The National Commission of birth/assessment of age in Central Equatoria state in Juba is doing a disservice to our nation. Every day, only three hundred forms are issued and someone has to wait for two to three days to get this birth/assessment certificate, then another four to five days following up national certificate (supposedly made/called nationality identification), and nearly two weeks to get passport.

Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

Another important aspect of this revenue generation spilled over for prone to corruption are kind of receipts that are being used by all departments of the Ministries of Health and Interior, and which are disgracefully from our former government of the so-called united Sudan then with all Arabic writings, some do not even have serial numbers, some would ignorantly have no bearing of either ministry’s logo. I urge both ministries of Interior and Health to order for serial receipts bearing republic of South Sudan for birth certificates, nationality and passport right away.

Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

Having been disturbed for nearly seven years carrying the then Sudanese passport with dictated dates of my birth as January 1 and in which every South Sudanese without birth certificate from recognized north Sudanese hospital even with known dates, that his/her birth/assessment certificate, national id and passport would be written January 1. I need my dignity restored that my father attended school in 1960s at Bruser vocational school in Western Bahr El Ghazal state – Wau, and so he knew my dates of birth.

Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

I share envy and a serious jeering with great number of South Sudanese guys, I have no idea of how many ladies at why our Minister of Interior and his Director General should pen their names on our passport? Is it a new phenomenon that our passports should bear their names at all?

Where in the world is such practice in place that we have emulated from? I beg my minister and his DG discontinue with stamping their names on our passports and to sign them on our behalf only. 

Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

Keeping January 1, on all these documents is an insult to our instinct, intelligence and continuing with this means that none other than Arabs of north Sudan were civilized, educated and deserves born on the exact date and year of their birth. This trend should be avoided and scrapped all together and that anyone’s suggested dates should be blessed as that. Like I know well my date of birth as March 15, 1980, but in my former Sudanese passport, it was dictated on me to have been born on

January 1, 1980, this, I won’t accept again in my own homeland birth certificate, national ID and our wonderful passport.   Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

Distance is a great factor. When I first obtained my Sudanese passport back in March 2006, I had to come to Juba from Lakes state, or some would go to Wau spending all their money, time and risk bad roads and accidents. This has to stop, as part of service delivery, all ten states’ capital should have departments of Nationality and passport roll down to them soonest, birth/assessment certificate to be designed and sent to all states’ capitals so that everyone gets birth/assessment certificate, nationality ID, passport for those who could travel aboard and not everyone, just for the seek. National Ministry of Health should coordinate from first week of March 2012 with states’ ministries of Health so that every child born should be issued birth certificate from registry books in maternity wards. A temporary certificate should be designed as interim till these documents are made available there – to all ten states of the Republic of South Sudan.

Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

Time is money. This is my third day hoping to get my birth/assessment certificate.  Can working South Sudanese in UN agencies, INGOs at states and those coming and have to travel from far such as Renk, Akobo, Narus, Ezo, Raja, Gok-machar and Abyei afford to spend days and days in Juba for these documents, and how many persons would be able to paying all travel cost up to Juba!?

Grateful, if our dear Ministers of Interior and Health embark on sending these documents to states in next to no time so that our people are helped and revenues are collected for the Government of South Sudan to bridge oil deficit resulting from shutdown.

Why bataka sheiksiya, Minister’s and Director General’s names on our passport? Please reprint nationality certificate as national ID and removal names and sign only – period!

I have had hoped that we have learnt from national currency make in which Finance minister signed in too, and which was wrong indeed.

Can these two be corrected, remove Finance minister’s sign on currency during the next printing of our currency, and now correct nationality certificate of birth to national ID?

 It is important that citizens of this nation inform their government of what they think is right for them and their national interest. Proper receipts should be printed with serial bearing the Republic of South Sudan flag and from one source so that receipts serial is easily trekked to guard against corruption, which is our number two enemy hurting our economy after Khartoum.

Akolde N. Jinub can be reached at akolden.jinub@yahoo.com

For THE DAILY RECORD

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“President Al Bashir told Kiir on the AU summit sidelines that Pagan Amum was not the right person to lead a delegation to achieve an agreement,” he said, adding Pagan is a warlord who has no interest for peace and does not care about what happens to our people in the North and the South as he has no sense of belonging to this land, his family and money are abroad. (Sudan Vision, March 4, 2012).

Paanluel Wël, Washington DC, USA, Planet Earth.

It is crystal clear now that Khartoum is not comfortable with Pagan Amum, the SPLM’s Secretary General and the current head of South Sudan delegation to the on-going Addis Ababa talks between Juba and Khartoum. President Kiir appointed Hon. Pagan Amum last year, after the formation of South Sudan first government, to serve as his special envoy to the talks between the two countries over contentious issues of border demarcations, oil and debt sharing, transit fees, and Abyei regions, among others. Thus, since the independence of South Sudan, Pagan has been serving in that position as South Sudan’s chief negotiator to the Addis Ababa Talks.
 
However, the talks have been dragging on with no definitive breakthroughs. One sensitive issue, of late, has been on the question of the transit fees—the amount of dollars per barrel that South Sudan should pay Khartoum for the usage of their Chinese-built pipeline and refineries. Although much of the oil is produced in the South, Khartoum took the discriminative decision during the war to build all the refineries in, and pipeline through, North Sudan. With no refineries and pipeline of her own, the newly independent state of South Sudan is entirely at the mercy of Khartoum for the export of her oil.
 
That 98% of South Sudan revenues come from the oil make matters worse for South Sudanese leaders: Juba is beholden to Khartoum. By designed or pure chance, Khartoum is fully aware and exploitative of this Juba’s achillean heel. While Juba, in accordance with international precedents, is willing to offer 1-2 dollars per barrel as a transit fees for the usage of the northern pipeline, Khartoum is demanding a staggering amount of 36-32 dollars per barrel. On the debt issue, Juba is prepared to offer “Khartoum $2.6 billion in cash and forgiving $2.8 billion of its debt to break the deadlock.” Instead, Khartoum is asking for $15 billion in cash to break the stalemate in Addis Ababa Talks.
 
The disputed border region remains undesignated because Khartoum is refusing to recognize the old 1956 pre-independence border between the two nations. This is complicated further by the fact that much of the oilfields fall just at the border regions, particularly in Unity state and Abyei region. That makes it no longer about the exactitude of the borderline as to the location, and future ownership, of the vast oil wealth dotting the border regions. The case in point being the town of Jau, recurrently bombed and occupied by Khartoum, which is claimed by both sides though it squarely lies within South Sudan according to the old map of 1956.
 
Abyei region is presently occupied and militarily rule by Khartoum, contrary to the stipulation of the CPA that had proposed a joint ruling by the two parties. CPA-mandated referendum in Abyei, one that was supposed to run concurrently with South Sudan’s plebiscite, is yet to be conducted owing to the disagreement over whether or not the nomadic Mesiriya Arabs should vote. The only CPA-recognized connection of the Mesiriya Arabs to Abyei Region is a right to graze their cattle freely as they have been doing in the past. Consequently, South Sudan’s objection to the participation of the Mesiriya Arabs in Abyei referendum is informed not just by the fact that Mesiriya Arabs are not natives of Abyei Area—defined in the CPA as nine-chiefdoms of the Dinka Ngok people—but also because allowing the Mesiriya to vote in the Abyei referendum would lead to vote rigging since Khartoum would bring in any nomadic Arab tribe to vote in the name of Mesiriya. Simply put, it is seen in Juba as Khartoum’s grand strategy to outnumber the Ngok Dinka to tilt the referendum in their favor and retain control of the oil-rich Abyei Area.
 
The ensuing controversies over these unresolved post-separation disputes, couple with the stalemate over the talks taking place in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, boiled over into a full blown out conflict in January when South Sudan shut down oil production over accusation that Khartoum was siphoning off South Sudan oil in direct collusion with foreign oil firms, mainly the Chinese-Malaysian’s Petrodar. Addressing South Sudan Legislative Assembly, President Kiir declared that
 
“At this time we have no guarantee that oil flowing through the Republic of Sudan will reach its intended destination…we can’t allow assets which clearly belong to the Republic of South Sudan to be subject to further diversion” (Bloomberg BusinessWeek, January 23, 2012).
 
Enraged by the accusation of oil theft and caught off-guard by South Sudan unilateral action of shutting down oil production, Khartoum responded by forcefully and unilaterally confiscating South Sudan oil:
 
“Sudan has confiscated 2.4 million barrels of South Sudan’s oil, bringing the total volume of crude Khartoum has seized in a row over oil transit fees to more than 6 million barrels since December, a South Sudanese official said on Tuesday. This included 1.2 million barrels taken in December, four shipments totaling roughly 2.5 million barrels in January and another 2.4 million barrels reported this month.” (Reuters, Feb 14, 2012).
 
Khartoum officials justified their illegal seizures of South Sudan oil by maintaining that their country
 
“Is entitled to a share of the oil because South Sudan has refused to pay the related fees since it seceded, fuelling inflation and a foreign currency shortage in the northern country.” (Reuters, Feb 14, 2012).
 
In spite of combative response from Khartoum, Juba has stood firm and went ahead to complete the process of oil shutdown. Austerity measures have been adopted to balance the budget and sustain the government. Dr. Machar, the vice president of South Sudan defiantly announced to the BBC that “we can live without oil” while Pagan Amum, the ruling party general secretary, said that the decision to shut down the oil was a “matter of national pride.”
 
In a surprising twist of fate—a blessing in disguise for President Kiir—the government of South Sudan, considered by most citizens to be totally corrupt, generally mismanaged and irreparably inept, received an astounding support and praises across all ten states of the republic for shutting down the oil and standing up against Khartoum. Remarkably, in a young country torn apart by tribal clashes, internal rebellions and besieged by abject poverty and underdevelopment, President Kiir uncharacteristic decision to order the closure of oil wells seemed to have buoyed his popularity among the citizens. The only other occasions whereby South Sudanese matched in unison were on the occasions of the signing of the CPA, the announcement of the referendum results and the proclamation of the South Sudan’s independence.
 
Juba’s vulnerability to and dependence on Sudan’s oil facilities has compelled South Sudan to seek an alternative pipeline to export her oil to the international market. Following the bitter fallout in January, Juba signed landmark agreements with Kenya-Ethiopia, on one side, and Ethiopia-Djibouti on the other side. The deal with Kenya-Ethiopia to build a pipeline/railway/highway from the Kenyan port city of Lamu through Isiolo to Juba was finally realized this week when the three head of states—President Kiir of South Sudan, president Kibaki of Kenya and Prime Minister Meles of Ethiopia—inaugurated the project dubbed by the media as Lapsset (Lamu Port-Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport Corridor).
 
Although disputed by many experts, the Lapsset project is slated to be complete within 1-2 years. Whether—or how—South Sudan will remain financially afloat within the next 1-2 years is another question altogether. And so is the question of ‘what will happen to the Lapsset project’ should the talks in Addis Ababa bear fruit and Khartoum accept the proposed transport fees: Will Juba bolt out of the Lapsset project or will it dump Khartoum no matter what they are prepared to consent to at the moment? If so, then there is no point of continuing to discuss the transit fees anymore: South Sudan should rather concentrate on the other post-independence remaining issues like the border, debts and Abyei region.
 
Whichever way Juba goes, the inauguration of the Lapsset project will further compound the Addis Ababa discussions because Khartoum would undoubtedly complicate the negotiation process if they are aware of the total loss of any future transit fees because of Lapsset. Since there is no any indication that Juba is bluffing—using the Lapsset project merely as a negotiating strategy to put pressure on Khartoum, it is inevitable that the full realization by Khartoum of having loss the life-giving oil revenues from South Sudan oil will be of a great devastation to their economy. Khartoum might invade the oilfields or declare total war on Juba as it did in Abyei—something they are threatening now on the pretext of an alleged South Sudan’s aggression on Sudan’s territory though it is the Sudan Revolutionary Forces who carried out the humiliating assault on the SAF. President Kiir must prepare—finding a way out of this looming explosive hostility.

Having retraced the fundamental root and the picturesque trajectory of the on-going differences and quarrels between Juba and South Sudan, it is just fanciful to hear Khartoum announcing today that any “Breakthrough in Addis Talks Depends on Changing the Current South Sudan Delegation.” In other words, Khartoum sincerely believe that should President Kiir nominate someone else other than Hon. Pagan Amum, then they would be able to get $32-36 per barrel as a transport fees, and $15 billion as a compensation for the loss of oil revenues following South Sudan secession. What is more, even the indefinitely postponed Abeyi’s referendum would go ahead with Mesiriya accepted as voters. South-North border demarcation would get started with Khartoum’s interest well catered for in total disregard to the 1956 pre-independence borderline.
This is how Mona Al-Bashir of the Sudan Vision, a northern newspaper, summarizes Khartoum’s views on the stalemate, blaming everything on Pagan Amum:
“Prof. Ibrahim Ghandour, who is also the NCP Spokesperson, indicated that previous round of talks had failed because South Sudan delegation was not willing to arrive at an agreement and the delegation members harboured ill-intent towards Sudan and their leader [Pagan] is also notorious of his hostility towards the North and the Arabs. “President Al Bashir told Kiir on the AU summit sidelines that Pagan Amum was not the right person to lead a delegation to achieve an agreement,” he said, adding Pagan is a warlord who has no interest for peace and does not care about what happens to our people in the North and the South as he has no sense of belonging to this land, his family and money are abroad. Ghandour, however, pointed out that the Sudanese Government cannot interfere in the process of how the South selects its delegation but if it wants to achieve peace with Sudan it should alter its delegation members” (Sudan Vision, March 4, 2012).
 
In spite of the independence of South Sudan, Khartoum still behaves, and considers South Sudan, as if it is still just one of its provinces. South Sudan, to those in Khartoum, is just but a colony to be manipulated at will no matter how it may claim to be independent. In fact, judging by their official demeanors, utterances and actions, South Sudan independence is yet to register in the minds of Khartoum officials. They might be milking the past. During the 1960s as many African countries were shedding off colonization, it was not uncommon for the head of a newly independent African state to receive direct orders from London or Paris. For example, the market and the price of their agricultural produce were pre-determined according to the whims of the former colonial master.
 
By publicly asking an independent state to alter the list of its delegation to the negotiating table, Khartoum appears to be harboring a neo-colonial mentality of the past whereby African independent states remain subservient to their former colonial masters in spite of their proclaimed independences. Yet, there is nothing on the ground to substantiate Khartoum’s European-ness over Juba. South Sudan has more resources—oil, arable land, minerals etc. South Sudan does not depend on Sudan’s market for agricultural produce nor oil: China is the main consumer of most raw materials from Africa. With the commencement and the future completion of the Lapsset project, Khartoum will be more dependence on Juba for economic opportunities than vice-versa.
 
Therefore, to prevent Khartoum from proclaiming unmerited propaganda war against Juba, President Kiir must stand behind Pagan and his team. After all, whatever that Pagan present at the talks is what President Kiir and his cabinet proposed and consented to, to be presented at the negotiating table. Picking another person will not change the parameters of the talks since none of the South Sudanese chief negotiators would ever venture outside the officially sanctioned mandate from the government of South Sudan. Khartoum displeasure with Pagan could be attributed to Pagan’s sharp-shooting, take-no-nonsense approach to negotiation. Take for instance Khartoum ludicrous claim of South Sudan’s aggression reported to the UN Security Council today: such gibberish would not be entertained before Pagan.
 
There are unconfirmed reports/rumors that President Kiir is considering replacing Pagan Amum. President Kiir must never listen to one-sided story from Khartoum. Any changes called for must be initiated and executed by both parties—Khartoum must also replace the head of their delegation if Juba has to reciprocate in kind. Since when has Khartoum been the official advisor to Juba? Do they really have South Sudan’s interest at heart? Definitely not and so is the implausibility of their call to ouster South Sudan chief negotiator. Assumed that President Kiir give in and recall Pagan tomorrow, will South Sudan replace the next head of the delegation if Khartoum is not happy with him?
 
PaanLuel Wel is the Managing Editor of PaanLuel Wel: South Sudanese bloggers. He can be reached through his email address (paanluel2011@gmail.com), Facebook page, and Twitter account or on the blog: PaanLuel Wel: South Sudanese bloggers.

Be informed, the following article doesn't refer to any particular person but it could be a reflection of what is currently going down in the wider South Sudan.... (Borglobe).

Dear Uncle,

You just offered me your old V-8 and credited my bank account with a huge amount of dollars but I don’t think that will stop me from speaking my mind. There’s something that I have been keeping to myself, something that I have always wanted to tell you, something that disturbs me, something my peers abhor you for. I defend you though. It is high time now I tell you in this short note. It’s going to be disheartening, however, close your eyes and take a deep breath before you proceed to the next paragraph.

Here we go…… it’s both ironical and incomprehensible how our grandfathers, fathers, aunts, friends, mothers, sisters and even yourself bled, sweated and shed tears, sacrificially, for more than a century in a quest to detach south Sudanese from the claws of Islamic rule yet you still dumbly ignorantly selfishly plug us in the socket of Arab world by indecisively rushing to their states in order to attract investments, given the hidden agenda that comes with their development proposals.

An Arab is an Arab; be he a sheikh, politician, hawker or shopkeeper. His mission is one and simple; to Arabize and Islamize anyone, anywhere. I don’t think you need a PhD in History to trace back how they came and the price of their presence in Sudan, of which we have paid dearly. Even your seven-year son can recite it before an international audience. An Arab always strives to change you, in and out; from names, color of skin, lifestyle, name it. You ask the people of Nuba Mountains.

Let me take you back a little bit by elaborating how ungrateful ingrates this folks are. Back in the day, the Arabs came to Sudan as single male merchants. I repeat; single male merchants. They arrived and settled in Khartoum, an area allegedly inhabited by Dinka people. That was before the cleverer race invented the calendar. As they carried on with their businesses, and after they showered the unsuspecting Dinka chiefs and elders with gifts of mirrors, sweets, salt and soaps, they requested the old dudes for a number of things. First of all, they asked for pieces of land for erecting shops. And then they asked for girls for marriage, a request I suspect the sly Dinka people gladly assented to since they felt it was the best way to rid of their ugly, promiscuous and lazy daughters. Remember, today’s Dinka folks practice that business. They marry off our unmarriageable sisters to foreigners. Doesn’t that remind you of what happened the other day?

Anyway, the girl-sweet-salt-business continued as long as the first guys found it lucrative. They invited over their brothers, uncles and friends back home to join them. They eventually multiplied and started showing their true colors – master-like behaviors. They began to control everything, both that moved and that didn’t. They did a lot with the natives. They sold some into slavery and made some laborers. But with the inability of cattle-rearing communities to succumb to change easily, the Dinka waged countless wars against their nieces but lost, forcing them to migrate to different parts of Sudan. See? Northerners are our biological nieces because their existence is as a result of the aforementioned unions. I understand the Dinka were so arrogant, some still are, such that a slave would turn away leftovers, claiming that he should have partaken in the meals at the table with his master’s family. Since then, the feud rages on.

Now, wasn’t it yesterday that the Nile River overflowed with blood and bodies of innocent women and children that were ceremoniously slaughtered by Arabs just because they refused to be Arabic? Or has it been too long to remember the root cause of the 21-year civil war that claimed 2.5 million lives and displaced 4 million more, including your children?

Then, what on earth makes you travel to their cities to lobby investments from their companies? Who has bewitched you, uncle? Does south Sudan have to attract investments from the Middle East? What world records have they set or broken in terms of development apart from high unemployment rates, Low wages and widespread poverty?

Or do you have shares in the Arab companies you bring in the baby country? In fact, rumors say so. I will stop here because I feel the few remarks will brainstorm you.

One more thing, I want you to talk to your daughter; the one who calls herself Lady Gaga. She drinks a lot lately. She has made a lot of broke friends who she drinks with day in day out. I doubt she attends her classes regularly. Haven’t you been wondering why she keeps asking you for more money? Apparently, she is an ATM machine. There’s this broke boyfriend of hers who has assumed the nature of a tick. The guy clings to her so badly. She pays his rent, buys him pants. I tried to talk her out of her brand new lifestyle but she instead hailed insults at me, calling me names.

Furthermore, she doesn’t wear enough clothes nowadays. The first thing you see when she appears is her breasts. They hang naked; with only the nipples covered. When asked why, she says our grandmas used to wear nothing at all. "So, why disturb someone who has at least dressed?" She asks. The next thing to worry about her dress code is her skirts. They are too short. You can see her underwear even when she is standing! And she calls anyone who dares rebuke her, uncivilized.

You must be wondering why I haven’t deposited all the money into your foreign bank account. It’s because the bank manager, on seeing stacks of dollars, and especially after I failed to account for the source, threatened to call cops on me. I lied to him that it was for a registered company based in Juba. He instructed me to get proper papers in order to bank the notes, and that was after I bribed him heavily. I have resorted to banking the money in bits pieces just to avoid possible interrogations by Interpol. I will have banked it all by June this year. If I may ask, where did you get this large sum from, uncle?

I almost forgot. I’m obliged to educate you about your concubine. Forgive my English. I would have used a better or at least mannerly reference had the English people created a polite word for concubine. She is playing you. I mean, she fakes her love for you believe it or not. Worst of all, the baby is not yours. The father of the baby is an old boyfriend who she broke up with after she conceived. I learned that the dude disowned her because he didn’t have what it takes to feed extra mouths; but he resurfaced when he realized she is alive and kicking.

Thanks to your unsuspectingness. Or is it negligence? You may find it hard to believe this: I, for no specific reason, tampered with her phone while she was in the kitchen. I entered into the "sent items" folder where I found an SMS that she sent. It reads "dear sweetheart, there’s no reason you should doubt my forgiveness. I told you last time that I do understand why you refused to take responsibility for my pregnancy. You were a student and had no money. Besides, the baby is yours….. I love you and want you so bad. The old fool left for Juba this morning, come home tonight and correct what the old man doesn’t do right……………."

By: Tears Ayuen

Bior Kwer Bior, Jr. (Borglobe)

It’s astonishing how seldom we utter a word against any other urging matters of national concern but politics. All over our public forums, it appears like everyone has come down with some sort of politics Tourette. Well, let me, of all the people, do the unthinkable here, and break our great tradition of anti-kiirism and his Oyea party. I would like to rant against something that has recently gotten on last overcharged nerve. I’ve an axe to grind with typhoid fever.

In all the places that I’ve visited in South Sudan, and the neighboring countries, there is a myth that is being perpetuated in South Sudanese communities about the cause of this disease, and until this myth is busted and relegated to the realms of ignorance, the people who are afflicted and those who are harboring the germ responsible for this disease will never take an appreciable preventive action. Someone once lectured me with a straight face that the reason why typhoid fever is less prevalent in places like America is because those places aren’t as hot as Juba. I was stunt. I’ve never encountered such a stunningly over-confident level of stupidity in my life, but instead of correcting the Ape, I looked at him in awe.

First of all, there are 400 cases of typhoid fever reported every year in the United States (CDC, 2011), with 75% of these being people who got infected while travelling abroad, like me. Secondly, typhoid fever has nothing to do with the Sun as the myth seems to so erroneously suggest. If your Widal test comes back positive for Salmonella Typhi, the causative agent of typhoid fever, it’s probably because you’ve been eating food that was cooked by someone who’s shedding S. typhi. If you die of heat stroke, blame the sun; if you die because of typhoid fever, blame your wife, or whoever is preparing your food, or handling your drinking water. It’s hardly a rocket science and you too, my fellow lay-South Sudanese, can understand it!

Typhoid Fever is a bacterial disease caused by Salmonella Typhi. S. Typhi lives exclusively in someone’s intestinal tract, and is habitually excreted with feces. This mean that, like Cholera, typhoid fever is inextricably linked to poor hygiene practices, not because one is exposed to the relentless tropical sun. You get typhoid fever after eating food or drinking beverage that was carelessly handled by someone who is excreting S. Typhi.

However, the situation isn’t that really hopeless, and antibiotics aren’t the only answer. There are ways in which one can protect one’s family or self from this life-threatening, and yet often ignored illness. First, make sure that any member of your family who has been diagnosed with Typhoid Fever doesn’t ever set a foot near your kitchen. A simple household quarantine will suffice. Ensure that your household drinking water is sufficiently boiled. S.Typhi is beautifully heat- labile so it will not survive 100 degrees water boiling. Make sure that your kids aren’t sinking their teeth into those unwashed mango fruits their mother bought from the vender by the roadside. Actually, they’re better off drinking those expensive mango juice drinks because during the processing, those drinks were pasteurized. Raw milk is to be avoided at all cost.

To supplement these simple, and yet effective preventive regimes, have all the members of your family vaccinated against typhoid fever. Yes, there is a typhoid fever vaccine, albeit not a fool-proof one, which is wonderfully cheap. For as low as 100 South Sudan pounds, you’ll rest assured that your toddler will never come down with that life-threatening 103 degrees fever.

However, these preventive measures are hardly sufficient in combating this raging epidemic. The government has to ensure that all restaurants in Juba are S. typhi free. There is no greater harbor of this organism than a restaurant that doesn’t follow strict hygienic protocols. To protect the public, our health ministry must institute a restaurants inspection policy in which all restaurants in Juba, as well as all over our country, are inspected on a regular basis. Any restaurant whose employees are found to be S. typhi carriers ought to be closed down indefinitely until those employees are certified by a qualified government health expert that they’re germ-free. This practice is guaranteed to drastically cut the cases of typhoid fever in our country.

It’s monstrously unfair for our government to be spending arms and legs, trying to halt the spread of HIV/AIDS, a disease that solely kills those careless beasts among us, whilst not a whisper is heard about typhoid fever, which is silently killing the next generation of leaders all over our country. Our lives and those of our innocent ones are being threatened more everyday by those dinner plates that are half S. typhi and half rice full in those dirty restaurants in Konyo-konyo market than by those Kenyan or Uganda HIV/AIDS positive sex workers. Let’s get our priorities straight, or we’ll definitely be sorry lots!

Bior Kwer Bior Jr. is a South Sudanese national, who resides in the United States, but is currently vacationing in the Republic of South Sudan. Bior can be reached at: kbior@uvm.edu.

"I wish to send a crystal clear message to all those who are involved or may get involved in corruption in Southern Sudan in the future. Rest assured the Government of Southern Sudan will prosecute you. You can run but you cannot hide. I assure you that the long arm of the Law will catch you...If you swallow something that belongs to the people, we will force you to vomit it out”  ---General Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Government of Southern Sudan (2009).

By Joseph Monyde Malieny

Eight Months since the historical independence of South Sudan in 2011, the South Sudanese society has devolved themselves into various standpoints such as tribal fights and land disputes, and distracted not to determine the successes or failures of our government ever since the coming of our freedom under the brutal Islamic regime of Sudan. It is therefore appropriate for the South Sudan society to do "good not bad or good not evil" "right not wrong" and evaluate the progress of ethics in public administration and administrative justice, that the government has made in their primary functions such as protective and coercive line functions; promotive and developmental line functions; enabling and facilitative staff functions and  implementation of its numerous policies published in South Sudan Transitional Constitution on the transformation of public service that set targets and timeframes for making the public service more representatives (Republic of South Sudan 2011). This constitution is our social contract between the South Sudan society and the South Sudan government.

The constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011, PART TWO,"BILL OF RIGHTS" (30(1)) stated, "All levels of government shall guarantee to persons with disabilities or special needs participation in society and the enjoyment of rights and freedoms set out in this Constitution, especially access to public utilities, suitable education and employment." This specific article gives us an obligation to litigate or ask public servants of how effective, efficiency, economical and appropriateness has the services been rendered to the determined priorities, but if we are busy with tribal planning of how to attack other tribal groups, then our government officials will be busy too, fuelling their pockets or account with public money for satisfying their private needs rather than people needs. So, let us distance ourselves from evil doings and join our constitution as our basic step of building South Sudan.
The purpose of this article is not to evaluate the progress that has been made with the transformation of the South Sudan public service, but to show what is "corruption," the causes of corruption,"  "community's or communities' role in corruption and communities/community control on corruption." As well as how protection services work through ethics guidelines and produce a conceptual framework that will extricate the major transformation of the newly born State's concepts in the public services. In doing writing, this article is going to explain what corruption is, so that one can know where and how an official get trap in corruption or dishonesty for personal gain; who are involved in corruption and how public services can be protected from misuse by officials.
 

Corruption

According to University of South Africa Press, corruption is defined as the abuse of power for personal gain (Professor F Uys 2006-117). It is an inducement to wrong by improper or unlawful means (bribery). Corruption, similar to stress, is a dynamic that has been present in all institutions since an institution is established, but it is undesirable and has a negative effect on the provision of services. According to "CHAPTER III" of ANTI-CORRUPTION COMMISSION 2011, Article (144 (1) d) affirm that, "pursuant to the provisions of Article 120 (1) herein; require all persons holding such public offices to make confidential formal declarations of their income, assets and liabilities." In South Sudan, corruption emerged amidst of public officials and police officials has become increasingly entrenched in politic as vice president (VP) of the Republic of South Sudan, Riek Machar, has officially declared his personal income, assets and liabilities while calling on all constitutional post holders in the country to do the same (Sudan tribune news: February, 14, 2012 JUBA).  In viciousness of sustained efforts to combat corruption, it has to continue for centuries if there are no essential majors against corruption rather than declaration personal assets, income and liabilities.

In fighting corruption to improve governance, the organization’s political fairness, partnerships and governance focus need to be clearly cited as its value-added contribution in the area of anti-corruption is vital. In efforts to eliminate corruption, institutions have to raise salaries, offer more training and education, and have to introduce policies to target those factors that give rise to corruption. To understand why corruption continues to boom, we need to understand how individuals diverge and how the community influences corruption as well as to understand the environment in which protection services operate. According to Article (144 (1) d) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan mentioned above. Require all persons holding public positions to declare their property, but corruption take place in all parts of government levels indirectly rather than national sphere, provincial sphere and local sphere. Emblematic patterns of corruption include treasure on construction contracts, bribes to ensure favourable decisions in granting licences, gratuities following the allocation of land, using public resources such as labour, vehicles, travel and accommodation for personal purposes, providing public sector employment for unqualified family members and friends, selling state property such as construction material or weapons and keeping the income from such sales, payment of wages to phantasm human resources into one's own bank account, and hiring an intermediary to disburse off the involved in order to expedite the issuing of a passport, or the bribing of a traffic officer to ignore a traffic offence. Theft, corruption and abuse of power is based on public officials and political office bearers but it's seem not to be in all offices of government levels but an illegitimate taxes or tipping on streets, airports, ports and markets are others phenomenon symbols of corruption, and these are usually related to public protective bodies such as agency of securities and police officers. The causes of corruption are important because public servants trap in corruption without knowing how he/she corrupts public funds. 

Causes of corruption

The causes of corruption are varies and should be viewed in the precise milieu. Corruption is closely an evil on every personal's career ways if you are not aware of its causes, but not exclusively, linked to an officials' optional power and the degree of accountability in executing such discretion. A numeral of conditions may influence the scope to which the execution of such discretion becomes vulnerable to corrupt practices; for instance, in the absence of clear rules and codes of ethics, discretionary power could easily become abused. Besides, the less effective government is in all-purposes, with dawdling budget procedures, lack of transparency, inadequate strategic vision and weak monitoring mechanisms, and delay of income, cause more fertile environment for corrupt practices. Stumpy public sector salaries and pitiable working conditions, with few incentives and rewards for efficient and effectives presentation, are strong inducement for corruption. The fact that the overall culture of governance plays an essential role, political leaders and top officials set an example of self-enhancement about public ethics, then lower-sphere officials and members of the public resolve to follow their suit.

Low compensation

In developing countries, mainly in Africa, the wages and salaries of public officials habitually stay low while inflation is going high and the devaluation of currencies is increasing. In view of these conditions, it has been said that, "public officials use corruption merely as a means to survive, and sometimes also simply because everyone else is doing it" (Uys 2006:118). One way of looking at corruption to argue that corrupt officials exist because they have been often corrupted by others, such as foreign actors. It is because multinational corporations have regularly been accused of bribery to secure contracts. It should not be ignored that the members of the public on a daily basis encourage corruption by bribing officials and even on occasion blackmailing them. This is usually being practiced by external influences to push their interests on track.

Individual values and norms

The public servant is morally bound, just as other people, to tell the truth, to keep promises, to respect the persons and the property of others, and to abide by the requirements of the law.  In many ways, this level only describes the basic adherence to moral codes that is expected of all members of a group or society. There are some basics of behavior that are anticipated of all if a society is to function for the collective good. For public officials, there is an additional reason why it is important to stick to these basic moral codes and laws: they have more power than the average constituent of the society. By disregarding this veracity, legalistic solutions based on institutional changes and stricter enforcement of rules is likely to effectively contain the extensive and systematic abuse of office sustained by social networks. If legal and institutional reforms are not applied in cycle with primary societal changes that adjust power relations and raise civic competence in dealing with corruption, then the prospects of making significant inroads into reducing corruption will remain remote. This is a narrative adapted from a study guide of "Public Administration of protection services" (University of South Africa Press 2006:119). Read it and imagine how protection services linked to corruption.

A young police officer was called to check on an elderly person. When he arrived, he found the person dead on the floor. On the table, he saw five hundred pound in cash. There was nobody else in the house and it seemed that the elderly person had lived alone. Certainly, the elderly person wake up and found his money on the table lost after a young police have informed his colleagues about his problem. Would anyone have known if the police officer had taken the money? May be, he did not, but another police officer in similar circumstance may have taken it. Some of the officers' colleagues may even have said that he was foolish not to have taken the money.
I can conclude from the above tale that, each human being has a set of norms and values that will guide his or her dealings. The person is imperative, but it can also take place that the state of affairs overrule the person, for instance, individual cases of corruption may be the result of insatiability, economic problems or collect force. In this situation, the institutions that grant protection services will do the whole lot in their power to avoid appointing individual whose personalities make them vulnerable to corrupt indirectly because when this occurs repeatedly, and then the circumstances is no longer tolerable.

Communities' role in corruption

The communities' contribution to corruption in institutions that provide protection services should also be taken into account by reporting illegal actions of those institutions. And if any community endures dishonesty, it also gets involved in it and it will encourage public institutions to flourish the environment of corruption. According to Uys 2006:120 mentioned that, "police scandals are said to have done much damage to the American police in the early nineties." The receipt of bribes, the protection of thieves such as those who hide unlawful materials, for instance, drugs for their private use and lack of departmental control over such behaviors on some police officers, threatened to cause serious damage to the image of the police and members of the communities felt that they could no longer trust those in power.

Control of corruption

There is no suspicion that corruption must be controlled directly by anti-corruption commission indirectly through communities' members. According to the Republic of South Sudan Constitution, "CHAPTER II" of "Duties of the Citizen" section (46{2} d) outline citizens duties to "prevent and combat corruption and sabotage;" it has allow all citizens to stand up against corruption. The costs are just too high, and it affects not only the individuals but also the delivery of protection services as a whole, and the community itself. Unlawful participation in corruption may demolish the career and family life of individual officers and may also guide to legal sanctions. From the community's point of view, corruption leads to a loss of respect for members of institutions, poor service delivery and loss of trust in the institution that corrupt public funds. Within the institution itself, corruption may direct to low morale, inefficient act and cause problems with the image and authority of the service. Strong controls are essential to eliminate corruption. Such control should come from within the institution and should be supported by community.

To keep in mind, there are no distinct easy solutions for dealing with corruption in institutions that deliver protection services. On the one hand, broad reforms such as liberalization and democratization could grant the proposal for clean governance and management, but on the other hand, the fight against corruption also demands precise reforms to create a culture of accountability, introduce public service reforms, raise civil awareness and put reasons for proper behaviour in place. Eventually, a strategy for responding to corruption must target administration, civil society and private investors.

Internal control of corruption

The main component in combating corruption is the attitude of leaders and the quality of line management. The leaders of the institution should take a strong stand against corruption. The absence of strict action against corruption in an institution conveys the significance that such conduct is acceptable, and that will lead to more corruption. Well-trained and sensitive administrators that will back up the chiefs in the institution will enhance their ability to combat corruption. It is often emphasized that training can contribute to the fight against corruption. Such training should be intended explicitly at the ethical behaviour and evading of corruption and in situation that may lead to corruption, for example, where an officer regularly accepts free meals at the same restaurant. If members of the institution are not informed of penalties of corruption, because it will just encourage corrupt practices. Arrests and prosecution of corrupt officers or officials will send a clear signal to other members of the institution.    

CHAPTER III of ANTI-CORRUPTION COMMISSION in the constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, Article (145{4}) authorized anti-corruption commission (ACC) by stating that, " The Commission shall have power to issue summons or other orders requiring representatives of relevant institutions and other bodies at all levels of government or persons or organizations to appear before it or produce any document or record relevant to any investigation by the Commission." This is not only the responsibility of (ACC) alone but it remains the responsibility of each member of an institution to report acts that constitute corruption to the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). 

Communities or community control

The authorities need the help of the community to combat corruption. The public should be educated to know and understand the implications and outlay of corruption. It should be understand that even the smallest bribe can lead to greater corruption when an individual within a community didn't report such pace.  The increase focus on corruption in the state of affair is one reason that will exclusively reduce unlawful actions of public officials. Corruption is like HIV/Aids problem because it cannot be controlled completely but it must be combated based on corporation of vertical and horizontal communication of a state. Institutions can use a number of tools, such as strict control by executive officers, quality supervision, discipline, training and special units for investigating corruption. Community control includes educating the public and introducing community investigation units to help Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) eradicate dishonesty of protection officers and public officials. But South Sudan society is so busy with unprofitable duties such as tribal fights of which they don't even think of what is "well-being." Well-being is one of the most important aspects of our lives, as individuals and as societies.

Conclusion

As it was mentioned above that, "this article is not to assess or investigate the progress that has been made within the South Sudan public service," but its purpose is to put awareness on the table together with personal career as dishonesty is an evil in public affair of the State. Corruption is defined as the misused of public funds but it is undesirable and has an unenthusiastic effect on the provision of services. Also I have explained some numeral of conditions that may influence the scope of corruption and to which the execution of discretion becomes vulnerable to corrupt practices; for instance, in the absence of clear rules and codes of ethics, discretionary power could easily become abused. Nevertheless, I have described the basic adherence to moral codes that is expected of all members of a group or society in the public sector and how they are bound to administrative justice. In the control measures of corruption, it was said that arrests and prosecution of corrupt officers or officials will send a clear signal to other members of the institution. And finally, Corruption is enlightened to have characteristics of HIV/Aids, and it must be combated using corporation of vertical and horizontal communication of a state. Institutions have been revealed to use number of tools, such as a strict control via executive officers, quality management, obedience, training and special units for investigating corruption. Community controls are based on education as part of corruption prevention and introducing community investigation units to help Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) eliminate fraudulence of protection officers and public officials.

Joseph Monyde Malieny is the author of article  and a student at University of South Africa, Pretoria: and you reach him at Josephmalieny@yahoo.com

I was shocked with the appointment of such army of ambassadors all at once at a time when our country is faced with serious economic hardship as a result of the oil shutdown (Luke Dak, USA).
 
By Paanluel Wël, Washington DC, USA, Planet Earth.
 
In exercise of the powers conferred upon him under Article 101 (o) of the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011 A.D, read together with section 25 (1) (4) of the Diplomatic and Consular Service Act 2011, General Salva Kiir Mayaardit, founding and current President of the Republic of South Sudan, issued a Presidential Decree for the appointment of grade (1), (2) and (3) Ambassadors into the Diplomatic and Consular Services in the ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Republic of Sudan on March 07, 2012 A.D. The Ambassadorial list consists of 10 grade (1), 43 grade (2) and 25 grade (3), making a total of 78 Ambassadors. The Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Hon. Nhial Deng Nhial, was directed by the President to transfer and assign the appointed Ambassadors in accordance with the Presidential Decree.
 
Among those appointed to Grade One are: 1- Mr. Majok Guandon Thiep 2- Dr. Chol Deng Alak 3- Mr. Mohamed Hassan Bakeit 4- Mr. Makelele Nyajok 5- Dr. Eluzai Mogga Yokwe 6- Dr. Akec Khoc Acieu 7- Mr. Sebit Abbe Alley and 1- Mr. Paul Macuel Malok 2- Dr. Andrew Akon Akec Kuol 3- Mr. Kuol Alor Kuol.
 
Grade Two appointees are: 1- Mr. Anthony Louis Kon 2- Mr. Ajing Adiang Mariik 3- Mr. Alier Deng Rual 4- Mr. Akuei Bona Malwal 5- Mr. Majak Philemon Majok 6- Mr. Baak Valentino Wol 7- Mr. John Andruga Duku 8- Mr. Mariano Deng Ngor 9- Dr. Francis George Nazario 10- Mr. Joseph Moum Majak 11- Mr. Parmena Makuet Mangar 12- Mr. Philip Jada Natana 13- Mr. Arop Deng Kuol 14- Mr. Michael Majok Ayom 15- Gabriel Gai Riak 16- Mr. Bol Wek Agoth 17- Dr. John Gai Yoh 18- Dr. Daniel Peter Othol 19- Mr. Ezekiel Lol Gathouth 20- Mr. Samuel Luate Lominsuk 21- Mr. Awad El Karim Ibrahim Ali 22- Mr. Adam Saeed AbuBakr Kabawa 23- Mr. Mustafa Lowoh Walla 24- Mr. Aban Yor Yor 25- Ms. Sittona Abdalla Osman 26- Mr. Pidor Tut Pul 27- Mr. James Ernest Onge 28- Mr. Jwokthab Amum Ajak 29- Mr. Paul Malong Akaro 30- Mr. Deng Deng Nhial 31- Mr. Lazaros Akoi Arou 32- Mr. Ruben Marial Benjamin 33- Abdon Terkoc Matuet 34- Mr. James Pitia Morgan 35- Mr. Dhanojak Obongo Othow 36- Mr. Jokwen Yukwan Ayiik 37- Mr. Michael Nyang Jok 38- Mr. Michael Mayiel Chuol 39- Ms. Abuk Nikonora Manyok 40- Ms. Nyandeng Joshua Dei Wal 41- Mr. Chol Mawut Unguec Ajonga 42- Mr. Darius Garang Wol Mabior 43- Mr. Joseph Ayok Ayok.
 
While Grade Three included the following names: 1- Mr. Thiik Agoth Giir 2- Mr. Nickson Deng Peter 3- Mr. Morris Batali Simon 4- Ms. Mary Badoda Francis 5- Mr. Hamilton Michael Lugor 6- Mr. Akwoch Daniel Diing 7- Ms. Jago Arop Yor 8- Mr. James Kur Muorwel 9- Ms. Sarah Victor Bol 10- Mr. William Wani Ruben 11- Mr. Wol Mayar Ariec 12- Mr. David Buom Choat 13- Ms Agnes A.O Oswaha 14- Mr. Caesar Oliha Yanga 15- Mr. Garang Garang Diing 16- Mr. Kau Nak Maper 17- Mr. Ambrose Raphael Tamania 18- Mr. Kahmis Agar Wol 19- Mr. Hassan Yousif Ngor 20- Mr. John Simon Yor Kur 21- Mr. Juma Dino Amoi 22- Mr. Dominique Panthair Mading 23- Dr. Riek Pouk Riek 24- Mr. Martin Kahmis Tabia 25- Mr. Raphael Nhial Kulang
 
The following variables can be employed to illustrate and better appreciate and understand this Presidential Decree for the Appointment of Ambassadors into the Diplomatic and Consular Services in the ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Republic of Sudan: region, state, party, gender, educational and prior experience qualifications among others.

Analysis of South Sudan's Ambassadorial List. 

Last night, I had a dream

In my dream,

President Kiir visits his ailing partner,

President Omar Hassan Bashir

Bashir contracted diarrhea,

A chronic diarrhea

Coz he drank unclean water from river Nile

He couldn’t afford bottled water

He is broke

Oil production got shutdown by Kiir

Bashir ekes out

Handouts from Arab League

After Kiir gave him emotional and moral strength,

He asks him what his say is

In regards to the outstanding CPA issues;

The Abyei,

Border issues,

Oil transit fees,

And nationality question

Before answering Kiir,

He gets up,

Runs to the toilet

Spends half an hour in there

He comes back,

Stands by the door,

And breathes heavily

It’s here Kiir sees his full body frame

Silhouetting in an ankle-length loose white Jalabia

The beer-belly he acquired

Through South Sudan oil money shrinks;

It’s disappearing

His ribs protrude

Kiir counts them

They’re ten

Two of them got surgically removed

After he got shot by Kerubino Kuanyin Bol

During a one-on-one meeting somewhere in Omdurman

In the 90s,

An incident that went unreported for fear of

Grand official butchering of reporters

Along with their families

"I beg your pardon, repeat your question,

Ya baba Mayar", he asks Kiir

Before Kiir finishes shooting the same question for the second time,

Bashir dashes into the toilet again,

Leaving Kiir seething with rage;

Agitated,

Irritated

Kiir plunges into a sea of thoughts,

Trying to figure out how

He will make bashir speak his language

Bashir comes back,

Holding a small bluish container

For keeping water used in place of toilet roll

He fills it up with water from an old pot

And places it near the door

He sits on an old mat

Made from reeds

People say his wife got the mat from a neighbor

Immediately after auctioneers

Stormed in Bashir’s house

And confiscated the furniture;

They were sent by the landlord

Who grew impatient

After Bashir failed to pay February rent

Back to the point:

Bashir begins to respond to Kiir

He starts off by telling Kiir to go to hell

Coz he ain’t letting any other thing

Slip through his fingers

Since he allowed south to go it alone as

An independent state through the 2011 referendum

Kiir begs him to reduce oil transit fee demand;

From $36 to 40 cents per barrel

Kiir also implores him to leave Abyei alone

But still, Bashir insists that Kiir goes to hell

And races to the toilet again

He spends his good time in there

Provoked by Bashir’s attitude,

Kiir grows smarter

He hatches a plan

And waits till Bashir comes back

Salva says he wants to use the toilet

Bashir directs Kiir:

"Go straight on; turn left, turn left again.

It’s the one with

A green door next to the gate"

Salva leaves, taking along the Citizen Newspaper

He takes his time in there

Ten minutes elapse,

Still no sign of Kiir

Now the worst happens

Bashir gets pressed again;

Remember he has a running stomach

He rushes toward the toilet, the only toilet

Only to find it locked from inside

Salva is in, reading the newspaper

Atlala bara ya Salva. Ena taban

What are you doing in there?"

Bashir panics

But Kiir keeps mum

"Knock knock knock"

He knocks, he pushes the door

Kiir whistles

As he turns pages of the newspaper,

He scans through the stories

Pretending to find an interesting story to read

Finally, Kiir breaks the silence:

"What do you think of my proposals?"

Bashir says they will discuss the issues back in the house

Kiir declines

And keeps reading the paper

Bashir begs Kiir, saying

"Please get out; I will sponsor 100 south Sudanese university students"

Kiir says thanks but that’s not what I want

With his left hand patting buttocks

And the right hand on the stomach;

Bashir begins to talk: "okay okay okay okay,

I’m proposing a meeting with you, just two us.

And it will be mediated by Obama himself"

Kiir resumes whistling

"Kiir please let me use the latrine,

Don’t let me do it in my pants

Kiir you are causing a scene;

My wives kids are milling around

And I can see my neighbors peering

I’ll do anything you want me to.

I will return all the barrels I confiscated,

I’ve given up Abyei. I…….

…..Ding…….dong…..Ding…dong,

My mobile phone rang,

Waking me from the dream

By: Tears Ayuen

By Agereb Leek Chol, Worcester, Massachusetts, USA

(Borglobe) -- Protecting civilians should be the primary job for the government. However, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) has failed tremendously to stop massacres in Jonglei state. In Jonglei’s Tribal Conflicts: Countering Insecurity in South Sudan estimated that 2,500 people were killed in 2009. My research dating back from 2005 until 2012 finds that 7334 were killed in Jonglei state because of cattle raids, counter attacks, and rebels casualties. These killing were exacerbated by the 2006 ‘forcible disarmament’, which left the Nuer and the Dinka Bor vulnerable to Murle’s raiders? The GoSS failed to simultaneously disarm everyone in Jonglei state.

By Amy Bingham
@Amy_Bingham

• ABC.com

Three weeks ago, George Clooney was sauntering down the Oscar’s red carpet in Giorgio Armani threads, cracking jokes with Ryan Seacrest.

Twenty-eight days, one round-trip flight to Sudan and a rowdy protest later, the now-scruffy Hollywood superstar has swapped his designer suit for a pair of handcuffs and his cheeky E! interviews for gravely serious sit-downs on the Sunday morning political shows.

So what inspired America’s sexiest man to launch his crusade to bring aid to the war-ravaged people of Sudan?

“I grew up in a family that believed that … your job was to be involved with your fellow man,” Clooney said on “Fox News Sunday.” “You have a responsibility to participate in the human condition, one way or another.”

Clooney, whose father Nick Clooney was a broadcast news anchor, said that growing up around news made him a “big believer in the importance of information.” He also learned the realities of hard news being scrapped for celebrity gossip.

“I saw my father in the ’70s doing really good stories and then getting bumped because there was a Liz Taylor story that was going to be out,” Clooney said.

When he first learned of the plight in Sudan back in 2006, Clooney said his first reaction was to call his journalist father.

“I said, ‘Remember how you used to get all your stories bumped by Liz Taylor or something happened in Hollywood?’ And he said, ‘Yes.’ I said, ‘Well, let’s go to Darfur. And you be the newsman and I’ll be Liz Taylor and let’s get it on the air,’” Clooney said Sunday.

Last week, Clooney made the rounds in Washington, D.C., in an attempt to convince Congress and the president to initiate negotiations with China to intervene in Sudan against the country’s president, Omar Al-Bashir, an alleged war criminal.

“What’s going on right there is exactly what we saw in the beginning of Darfur,” Clooney said. “All three men charged with war crimes at The Hague are the same three who are now bombing indiscriminate innocent civilians with Antonov planes with 300-millimeter Chinese rockets.”

Clooney, who appeared on three Sunday morning news programs today, said the United States and China are in a unique bargaining position right now because South Sudan has stopped producing oil, thereby eliminating 6 percent of China’s oil imports.

The actor argued that with gas prices rising, the fighting in Sudan is now more than a humanitarian issue. It’s an economic one.

“When the Chinese aren’t getting their 6 percent from Sudan, they are getting it [oil] from somewhere else and that drives the [gas] price up for everyone else,” Clooney told CNN’s Fareed Zakaria.

Realistically, Clooney said the U.S. and NATO are not going take military action to stop the Sudanese government from bombing civilians. So instead he called for the United States to employ the same techniques the government uses to discover the funding channels of terrorist organizations to “go after” the money supporting the Sudanese “war criminals.”

And at the end of the day, Clooney said it is all about “saving lives.”

“We are going and standing where people are shooting rockets at us and we’re standing where there’s a bomb hit the ground and didn’t blow up, and that helps get attention to the story that we are trying to tell, then that’s all we can do,” the actor said on Fox. “I don’t make policy. I can just make it louder.”

By Tearz Ayuen (Borglobe)

“Wewe! Jinga hii. Unafanya nini hapa?!  Nakuuliza, what are you doing here?”.........That was a Kenyan administration police officer barking questions at me on May 19, 2009, the very day I arrived in Nairobi following my first field trip to South Sudan where I traveled to to cover a seven-day peace conference in Bor.
That day, I touched down at Kenyatta Airport at around 2 o’clock, boarded a taxi cab to the office as required by the organization policy. I greeted colleagues and worked out a few petty assignments. About an hour later, I rode home in another taxi. By then, I was staying at my Cousin Bullen Achiek Ngong’s house at Ngara, about 3 kilometers north of downtown.

I was so exhausted, so, I decided to take a shower in order to freshen myself up. It was after I stepped out of the bathroom I remembered I had no cologne. I had forgotten the only one I had in my hotel room at Juba’s Hamza Inn.
Being a great lover of perfumes, I couldn’t resist going for another one. Hence, I dashed back to town. At Tuskys Beba Beba supermarket, the queues were so long that I painfully spent about 30 minutes standing in the line. By the time I was done buying “Tattoo Junkie” spray, it was already late - that time of the day the light undresses for darkness.
It was on a week day, meaning the evening was characterized by deafening honking, crazy human and terrific traffic jams. I had to walk a few distances towards National Archives building along Tom Mboya Street, loaded with kilos of hopes that I would quickly find route 6 Mathree to drop me off near the house.

In addition to the normal human traffic, it was also that time of Nairobi when hawkers notoriously defiantly display their second and even third-hand wares on the pavements, a behavior that pisses off the city council management because - besides the by-law prohibiting unlicensed selling of goods on the streets - it increases the likelihood of accidents and it also makes it hard for a pedestrian to squeeze his or her way through. Being used to it, I was comfortable doing the squeezing and pushing when suddenly tom Mboya Street turned into a football pitch. Everyone started chasing a ball, an imaginary ball. All the pedestrians ran into different directions. I saw men and women fall down. Upon seeing people with bleeding knees and hands as a result of bad sudden falls, my fear button got turned on, automatically, forcing me to stay put at least to figure out what exactly was going on. I tried hard to catch a glimpse of what the people where running away from or running to, but to no avail.

To my surprise, some voice echoed from behind. Ni nini unafanya hapa? I turned around only to see this sinewy cop dressed up in khaki. He was dark, round-faced, with tainted teeth.  I replied: “Boss, natakana hii commotion i-clear ndio nipande matz…..” hardly had I finished answering him when he interrupted me. “hapana! This is idling!!” He landed his rungu on my left knee. “What have I done? I asked. He ignored my question and hit me again and again.  And within split seconds, his colleagues, about five, descended from nowhere and joined him. They practiced playing xylophone on my knees till my legs refused to carry me anymore. I hit the ground with my knees. One grabbed me by my jumper and pulled me up. “nimedo makosa gani? Ni nini nimefanya? Nimewakosea aje?” I fired one question in different ways as the other officer struggled to hold me by the belt. They dragged me towards their truck, parked in the middle of the road. A huge jam had begun to build up as the police truck showed no sign of giving way. It was like they found what they were looking for -Tears Ayuen.

Many more officers got drawn to the scene as I refused to climb up the truck, seriously demanding to know where I had gone wrong first. The level of my adrenalin shot up, strengthening me. I got wild. My muscles tightened up. It was like I just received a shot of heroin. Hence I resisted the three cops who tried to force me into the vehicle. Intimidated by my unruliness, their commandant, a two-star boss breathed fire. I saw him hand his Motorola 77 and his headgear to another officer in readiness to help his juniors. Armed with various skills of manhandling a criminal, this dude grabbed me by the belt and tried to pull me up hoping that I would, with uneasiness, stand on my toes, an attempt that produced no fruits because he was a dwarf, almost the size of Inspector Mwala. In fact, I mistook him for Mwala until we got to the station.

A few seconds later, I felt some hand fumbling between my legs. It was a huge, rough, semi-metallic, bowl-like hand. My instincts told me that it was searching for my young precious fertile balls to squash them, explode them. With balls being very significant to me, I acted swiftly and smartly by deploying a tactics. I was in strong moderately tight pants, and they were almost falling as usual. To counter the ball-squeezing hand, the hand of infertility, the hand of extra-judicial castration, the hand of permanent emotional agony, I stretched my legs a little bit, making it impossible for him to reach out my golden testicles. See? Sagging saved my balls, my baby- making laboratory.

As they roughed me off, I unknowingly kept singing the same question until it became a one-line chorus of a hardcore hip hop track; “what have I done? What I done? What have I done? What have I done? What have I done? What have I done?”
They finally managed to fling me onto the truck and that was after some of the cops decisively climbed up the truck and pulled me up. They held me by my head, arms, collar while the ones on the ground prepared for a push. The force was so powerful that I fell on the floor chest first. “Korou korou”, my flat chest greeted the metallic floor.

Struggling to sit up, I quickly assumed the purpose of a footstool as the officers who were seated, guarding suspects, placed their dirty smelly old boots on my head, back.
One thing that amazed me after I gained humanity while still riding in the police vehicle was the devil that sent me to town, the spray that I bought. Despite all the rough experiences from the police; the pulling, hitting, pushing, yanking, it remained glued to my left hand, safe and intact.
After roaming the streets for about an hour, we arrived at the central police station where we marched into the registration office.

The police officers who arrested us threw a blanket charge: “hawa wote ni hawkers. They engaged in illegal trading. Na huyo kijana ni kichwa kibovu.” “But I’m not a hawker, sir. Mimi ni msu……….,” I objected. “Ati nini? And how did you get herrrr….” The commandant murmured the word “here” as his lips froze with confusion, and sticking his bloodshot eyes on my forehead. He whispered something to the registrar’s ear and walked out. That assured me they had finally discovered I wasn’t a hawker, not a native either. They finally read my number plate engraved on my face.
After they realized that I was a Sudanese, the whole thing took a different course. I wasn’t a hawker anymore, meaning new charges.

“Wee, Galang, iko wapi passport?” asked the registrar, a fat dude who could not pronounce Garang properly. His mother tongue fucked up roman alphabets, especially letters L and R. “Reta kitamburisho, he screwed up words again. “sina sahihi. Iko nyumbani”, I answered.
After I failed to produce my passport, this son of a bitch pressed two charges against me. One, that I was an illegal alien. And two, obstruction; that I obstructed the officers from carrying out their operation by resisting arrest.

“Remove your belt, your watch, cash and phone. Take off your shoe, left,” ordered a jailer. Bang! He slammed the door behind me. In the cell, the strong and the powerful were waiting for me; to frisk me, hoping to find anything valuable. They only got a silver finger ring.
I spent the night awake as the floor was cold, wet and stinking. In the morning, I heard some voice calling out, “Sudanese”. I got out only to recognize faces from my office. I had informed them of where I would spend the night shortly before the cops threw me in.

By Agereb Leek Chol, Worcester, Massachusetts, USA

4/2/2012

To whom it may concern:

Government of South Sudan (GoSS, Greater Bor Community, Atuot Community, Aliap Community, Bahr el Ghazal Community, Nuer Community, Shilluk Community, Yirol Community, Mundari Community, Murle Community, Equatoria Community, Ngok Community, Misseriya Community, and South Sudan Youth.

It came to my attention that Egypt’s company has begun their project to dredge Nile tributaries this month. William Gatjang Gieng, Unity State Minister of Environments and Natural Resources in Unity state, said "that the teams from the Egyptian company are working to deepen the river to allow more boats to transport goods and people. One team will dredge the Naam River from Rubkotna junction in Unity State to Lake No just north of the Sudd swamp, where the Bahr el Ghazal River meets the River Kiir. Another project will start from Wetmachar Achol in Wau, the capital of Western Bahr el Ghazal State, to Wangkeay Bridge "(Borglobe). The question is what are the advantages and disadvantages for this project to the Sudd Wetlands in South Sudan? It should be apparent that Egyptian government will take any opportunity to increase the Nile water flow by drying up the wetlands since Jonglei Canal scheme failed during the civil war.

It is obvious that South Sudan depend on food transported from Kenya, Uganda, and Sudan. I wonder why South Sudanese are reluctant to farm nowadays. Perhaps insecurity and the new found wealth from oil is derailing agricultural production. John Kudusay once asked in his song, "who is the UN"? He says, "the UN is like us. He’s born like us and then he goes to school. After finishing school, he then go around the world and help those who need help". It would be nice everyone in South Sudan had this mentality. "The government hopes that improving river transport will allow goods and services to flow more freely and make it easier to trade and do business" (Borglobe). Despite the rise of food prices in Unity state, is this project necessary to spend 26.6 million dollars instead of building better roads in South Sudan? Why rush and clean the Nile River knowing South Sudan and Sudan have many issues that can return both countries to war? God forbid the SAF will not use the Nile River to attack the Republic of South Sudan if both countries were to return to war.

The attempt to dry up the Sudd in South Sudan was first envisioned by the Britain and Egypt government who jointly ruled Sudan in the 1930s. This project came be known as Jonglei Canal. The goal was to provide 20 million m3 of water per day to Egypt for agriculture use. "The project would shrink the wetlands by approximately 40%. A second phase for the project was also planned, which would completely dry up the wetlands" (Allen, 2010). However, this project never materialized until it was resurrected in the 1970s by Nimeiri government. Nimeiri believed that the Jonglei Canal would facilitate "national development" in South Sudan. Obviously, Nimeiri had no intention to develop South Sudan. Despite the opposition by politicians from South Sudan, Jonglei project proceeded. Lucky, the SPLA derailed the construction by destroying the equipment sometimes in 1983. "The Sudd Wetlands, located in Southern Sudan, is one of African’s largest wetlands (30,000-40,000 KM2, formed from the spillage of water from the Nile. The wetland supports a diversity of ecosystems with a reach flora and fauna" (IWMI), 2008).

Who will be affected if sudd wetlands dry up?

The Dinka, Nuer, and Shilluk pastoralists tribes depend on the sudd to graze their livestock, and for farming during dry seasons. Not only that, Sudd provides enormous fish production for local people who live in rural areas. In fact, if it wasn’t for these swamps during Sudan’s civil war, majority of civilians would have starved to death. There is no doubt if the Sudd wetlands dry up, South Sudanese will have to transport fish from neighboring countries. I would argue that if were not for sudd wetlands, the Sudanese Armed Forces would have weakened the SPLA because they could have easily navigated through the Nile River by boat. The question is what will these tribes do when these areas dry up? Perhaps the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is tired of the killing caused by cattle rustling. Clearly, if these areas dry up, Sudd wetlands will experience a decrease of rainfalls and an area about 30,000 square kilometer will become a desert. Can the GoSS afford the sudd wetlands to dry up so the Nile River is passable by boats?

Secondly, the GoSS can’t ignore the vegetation and ecosystem that would be lost if this vast region becomes a desert. The question is what will happen to 400 species of birds and animals that rely on these wetlands? There is no doubt these species will die, and the Nile River will never be the same again. In 2008, Kenyan wildlife tourism was around 70% of Kenyan total revenue. The Sudd wetlands is a potential tourist destination if the GoSS invest their time instead of letting the Egyptian government exploit their vulnerable position.

In conclusion, the GoSS needs to stop this project immediately because it will change many lives in South Sudan. The GoSS need to look at the long term affects instead of relying on short term solutions. It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to figure out the catastrophe this project would cause to many species in South Sudan. I hope bribery didn’t influence the minister’s decision. What’s the difference between Jonglei Canal and dredging of the Nile River? Why can’t the GoSS use 26.6 million dollars to connect many roads in South Sudan instead of relying on the river for transportation? Why can’t the government use these funds to develop agricultural production instead? Until the Nile water agreement of 1929 is abolished by the riparian countries, the GoSS needs to be careful because the Egyptian government doesn’t serve the interest of South Sudan.

The minister should consult external experts who have no interest in the Nile River. Secondly, Sudd wetlands need to be surveyed first to understand who will be affected by the project. If the GoSS allow this project to continue then why not let the Jonglei Canal resume. Lastly, I urge the Dinka, Nuer, and Shilluk tribes who rely on the Sudd wetlands to alert their governors, commissioners, and their chiefs to alert the government about the disaster this project will do to the ecosystem. This project will affect these tribes in the short term, but the entire country will regret this in the future. Failure to act will lead to water wars within South Sudan years from now. The Dinka and Nuer will no longer have "toch" to graze their livestock during dry season. The Nilotic cultures will be lost, and everyone will have to move to ‘modern cities’ and abandon the so-called "backward society". Maybe this is one way to uproot the Nilotic culture indirectly. Most importantly, fishing will be limited unless one has modern equipment to fish in a ‘deep Nile’ River. Let’s not have rising food prices influence our decision. This problem can be solved easily if everyone gets their act together by holding their constituents accountable. We can’t keep saying if Dr. Garang de Mabior was alive today, South Sudan will be a better place. There is no doubt if he was alive, things might be different, but mourning him every day will not do us any good! Dr. Garang de Mabior and his comrades emancipated South Sudanese from Bashir’s regime, but now it’s our turn to carry on the torch. Wake up Southerners, this project will turn the Republic of South Sudan into a desert. It’s not too late to stop this project.

This author is a concern citizen. He can be reach at schol@clarku.edu

Magok Alier Akuot (Borglobe)


It is said that two wrongs can’t make a right. I have lost patience in the way things are done in the Republic of South Sudan and so I think that I can’t just keep quiet which is why I will ask you to read through with me as I take you along on what I think is not rightly done.Upon attainment of independence on July 9th, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan adopted the Transitional Constitution after the President of the Government of Southern Sudan and current President of the Republic of South Sudan, H.E Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit, appended his signature!

The Transitional Constitution came into force on July 9th, 2011- the day it was adopted by the Constituent Assembly in Juba. Art 6(2) of the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan (TCRSS), 2011 provides that English shall be the official working language in the Republic of South Sudan as well as the language of instruction at all levels of education. Here, this provision is well laid down in a plain simple language which does not need any translation since there is no usage of the legal wording. A couple of months ago, Arabic students at the University of Bahr el Ghazal in Wau town went on strike demanding the giving of lectures in Arabic. The same criterion was used by University of Juba Arabic students demanding the giving of lectures in Arabic. In all these scenarios, something had to be done to stop the violence from escalating and what ought to be done had to be at a price!

The price was either to ignore the provision and deal away with its intended meaning-something lawyers call violation of the law or ignore the students’ demands which meant calling for more strikes. The said two universities had to allow the giving of lectures in Arabic just as Arabic students had demanded! This settled down well in the interest of the striking students. But did the two Universities respect Article 6(2) of the TCRSS, 2011? No, they didn’t. They simply violated it in the interest of the said category of students.  The point is I’m not against Arabic nor do I intend to suggest it is my wish Arabic is not guaranteed as an official working language in our new nation, but again it is a question of law and I should be justified to think that we have knowingly or wilfully violated the law we adopted Eight months and twenty-four days ago! Isn’t that funny? I should say it is not because there is no fun in violating our Supreme Law.

It all comes to who we are and what we aspire to achieve with respecting the supreme law. But when the going gets tough, perhaps the tough gets going and we may sacrifice anything including violating our supreme law as long as certain citizens who are dissatisfied with our supreme law are brought on board!Towards the end of 2011, the Minister of Higher Education, Science and Technology-Dr. Adwok Nyaba stated that students of Dr. John Garang Memorial University of Science and Technology (Dr. JG-MUST) should be given diplomas and that the faculty of law at the University would be closed down and the Law students transferred to University of Juba. This was to the astonishment of not only the students of the said University but also to all those who laid the foundation of this University! For clarity, the students enrolled for degree programmes But not diploma programmes.  

By this time, the University was a Branch of the Free International University of Moldova. For six months, commencing 4th February, 2008 -1st August, 2008 students enrolled for Access Course. The purpose for Access Course was to harmonise students’ academic backgrounds since these students are holders of East African High School certificates as well as Ethiopian Grade 10 and/or 12 plus less than five Sudan High School certificate holders.The degree programmes began on 15th September, 2008 under the Moldovans. Students studied for one Semester after which they were given long term vacation.  The University was taken over by South Sudanese following the appointment of Prof. Aggrey Ayuen Majok as the Vice Chancellor. Prof. Aggrey mobilised the necessary human resource including Academic staff (lecturers) and took over from Moldovans. Since then the University curriculum has been consistent for degree programmes under four faculties of Law, Science and Technology; Agriculture and Environmental Science.

The point is these students who are said to be given diplomas have been on campus undergoing degree training for now close to five years commencing September 2008-2012! The normal diploma programme in Sudan and perhaps in South Sudan takes three academic years. What sort of diplomas was the Minister referring to and why, of all the South Sudanese Universities, is this University singled out? Is it his jurisdiction to determine University programmes or is it the mandate of University senate? Does he have direct jurisdictions to direct VCs to award their students either Certificates, diplomas; Bachelors, Masters, Doctorate, or Honorary degrees? I don’t think so.

The position held by Dr. Adwok Nyaba is totally a political one which gives him minimal academic interference in pursuit of holistic university education. He is a policy maker who has limits contained in the Constitution as well as the Universities’ Act. The a award of a diploma as said by Dr. Adwok is entirely not his call but it’s a determination which is not, under reasonable circumstances, made by the VC but the senate as a supreme University academic body. There is a designed diploma programme which runs for three academic years but a diploma intended by the Minister to be awarded to students of Dr. JG-MUST must have been a political one which is not only in the interest of the said students but also against the interest of South Sudan as a whole. But again the question is is the Minister justified in saying that the students of Dr. JG-MUST should be awarded diplomas?

The most intriguing point is up to this moment students of Dr. JG-MUST have not been given National Identity Numbers (N.ID.N). The foundation of this University was laid by our President, H.E Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit and confirmed by the then President of the Government of National Unity (GoNU), H.E Omar Hassan Bashir during his visit to Bor Town in the 2010 Presidential elections. By this time, our current Minister of Higher Education was the Minister of   Higher Education in the (GoNU). He must have been aware of all these processes and here he is talking of having the Students of this fully pledged university awarded diplomas! This is totally outrageous and unacceptable to the students of the said University. The best approach, though, should have been a comprehensive enquiry to determine the number of credit hours as well as courses covered by the said students per their individual faculties.

This proves that the communication of such decision must have been, de facto as well as de jure, sloppy and so I believe the Minister acted beyond the confines of his mandate! I think that the Minister erred in his decision and should withdraw his decision in the interest of successful university education as well as the Ministry of Higher Education. But when the going gets tough I guess this is the effect of the going getting tough!Six days ago on Tuesday, the 27th March 2012, University of Juba students went on inter-communal strike. The strike involved students from Greater Equatoria and Dinka. In a nutshell, it wasn’t a kind of strike one would wish to have been involved in because it lacked the materiality of a genuine strike. Why would students strike on tribal basis for goodness sake?

This is totally embarrassing and the said category of students ought to apologise to the University, nation and the entire world as a whole! Normally, students strike for a common cause such as academic related issues, feeding; sanitation and tuition fees increment to mention but few. In my academic background, I have never heard students go on strike based on tribes. This is totally discouraging and brings the reputation of the most recognised nation’s University into disrepute. At the University, one is neither a Dinka, a Nuer, a Kakwa, a Lotuka, a Didinga; a Zande; a Jur, a Shilluk nor a Kachipo to mention but few. Your identity is being called. Simple as that. I was taken aback to hear the news of this barbaric strike.  Above all, it would be insufficient to think that the students were not wise to do what they did without some sort of political motivation. Well, I’m not trying to speculate and shatter your patience but I think it is better to not leave any stone unturned in order to justify the wrongfulness of students’ actions in the said strike.

If there was some sort of political motivation, then the students would have done what the reasonable man ought to have done in the same circumstances having reason to believe or foresee the impact of his actions. So there is no excuse blaming the politicians in this scenario because students did not do what the reasonable man should have done in the same circumstances having reason to believe or foresee the impact his actions would exert on the public and the nation as a whole. The purpose of University education is to mould you to become a responsible citizen having the desire and the moral will to develop and fight the good cause of his people. If our students begin fighting themselves now while at the University then what image are they giving the entire nation: that they will be future leaders? No. We do not condone tribal driven-conflicts especially in an intellectual family.

As I have said earlier, the concerned students should apologise to their communities, Juba University; General Public, Juba County, Republic of South Sudan and the entire world because their actions were totally barbaric, scandalous and primitive by nature! But when the going gets tough anything of the aforesaid, including what is not written herein the present article, can happen!  I contend that there ought to have been a better solution and to that effect the policymakers in the given scenarios should rethink and revisit their policies or decisions in order to reach a comprehensive solution. But do not forget when the going gets tough the most informed policymakers may lose track and decide beyond the limits of their jurisdictions.
 
Magok Alier Akuot is a Fourth Year Law student at Dr. JG-MUSTHe can be reached at: unclelouish@rocketmail.com/unclelouish@gmail.com The views and opinions expressed herein the article are entirely mine and do not represent those of Dr. JG-MUST.

Dear Mr. President,

Allow me to write in response to the on-going political as well as military surge between the Republic of South Sudan and the Republic of Sudan. Much has been written and said about this which is why I shall not assume the possibility of drawing your attention in respect to what I am about to say in my writing. As a citizen of this nation, my responsibility under the constitution is simply to express an opinion which per se may not influence your Excellency to duly rely on especially when it comes to taking tough military decisions. But it is my justified view that our nation needs collective responsibility in safeguarding and protecting its sovereignty by all means including and not limited to advising your Excellency as a citizen filled with sense of patriotism!

A lot has happened since the capture of Panthou and I shall not dwell much on what we have handled with sensibility. Let me applaud your wise leadership for setting standards which the regimes in Khartoum have, over the decades, failed to set. Respecting international norms and customs with respect to humanitarian law is such a good thing that we shall always be proud of and manifests itself in the way we have so far handled the boiling military build-up of the ruling authoritarian regime in Khartoum. As I shall precisely point out, the world has moved away from the era of war which Sudan, and especially the National Congress Party (NCP), is so much interested in. During moments such as this, we cannot ignore the benefits of differing views on the way forward, and I believe your Excellency must have been confronted with much more than I should say; yet there is always an end to difficulty.

It is true that many citizens are unhappy with your decision of withdrawing SPLA troops from Panthou. This must have been a painful decision to take but I am not unaware of the motivating circumstances leading to the taking of the said decision. On one hand, we have an obligation to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security under Chapter VII of the UN Charter; and on the other hand we have a responsibility to protect or defend not only the citizens but also the sovereignty of our state in accordance with the provision of Article 2 read together with article 53 clauses 1 and 2 of the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011. Choosing between these two important alternatives must have been too painful but your Excellency acted in a truly justiciable manner. As a matter of sincerity, I was taken aback and disappointed with your Excellency’s position when I first heard and read the council of Ministers’ resolution ordering the withdrawal of our troops from Panthou. However, my disappointment dissipated with reading and understanding our obligation under international law plus the manner in which we took Panthou from the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF). Although I was not supportive of your Excellency’s position along with the Council of Ministers’, I regretted my thoughts and so I understood your Excellency acted in a reasonable manner considering our pledge to respect and abide by human rights principles and the principles of international law as contained in the UN covenants. My regret is not in vain because it has been said, which I believe is true, that our gallant SPLA forces took Panthou as a result of recurrent attacks from SAF. Our taking it from them was not bad though, but taking it on the basis that it is part of South Sudan would:

Call into question our pledge to respect international norms and customs which bind nations together.

Have been a dangerous decision in terms of Khartoum reacting with swift force of a full scale war which, I think, we were not fully prepared to contain as a nation.
Make us loose our friends and, in my opinion, there would be possibility of sanctions being imposed on our state which, I think, we cannot withstand given our shaky economy because of oil shutdown!

As it is commonly known that Panthou is ours by history, there is no fear it will never be should we claim it before international tribunals such as the International Court of Arbitration at The Hague. I must say Moburuk Wa Moburukat Mr. President for the wise decision so taken!
Whereas it is my desire not to pin your Excellency down reading this lengthy letter, it is also crucial to understand the position of a concerned patriot who has sacrificed his valuable time writing to seek understanding from your Excellency. Mr. President, I shall implore you to take me as a patriot desiring to put an end to the war-mongering propaganda of Sudan and although my writing is not a binding thesis, since our learned patriots, having the foresight into world politics, have the constitutional mandate to advise your Excellency, I will add a non-binding piece of my mind.

In any given circumstances, the political idiocy of Khartoum cannot per se be taken for granted. Already Khartoum has declared war on our nation and to act in ignorance will be too dangerous especially to the legitimacy of your wise leadership. In moments like this all we need are allies having the goodwill and political interest in our affairs. I am not saying this as an answer to Khartoum military tone but I am saying it on the basis of defense with restrain should SAF step into our territory.  Before I sat down to write this letter, I had discussed a brief question with my learned colleague students who have the goodwill for this nation, and so I may be writing reflecting their shared views. The question I had asked them is: “which nation is most likely willing to help us with military aid during moments such as this?” Although there were no conclusive answers for this question, I gained courage and motivation to write this letter which I believe your Excellency will find relevant to read since it is from an ordinary citizen seeking the common good of our state.

Up to this moment of my letter Mr. President, I implore your patience to stay with me even though I seem not to point out what my letter intends to address. The point is we have a number of friendly states to look up to in terms of soliciting military aid especially when it comes to defense of our sovereignty from Khartoum’s aggression. I am obliged to think that your Excellency knows that most superpowers won’t be of help at this crucial moment when we need their help in terms of military aids as well as finances. This is based on political justifications which this letter cannot dwell on.

As far as the current political situation is concerned, Mr. President, I do not wish to puzzle your good office with, perhaps, insufficient political thoughts since I am not a politician. I have an idea which came out of a brainstorming discussion I had with my learned colleague students. My observation is based on the need to seek MILITARY AID FROM ISRAEL which I believe will be far more ready to LISTEN AND HELP US. The meeting point between our State [South Sudan] and Israel is: Israel is an enemy state number two (2) of the Republic of Sudan. Your Excellency knows that we are enemy state number (1) of the said Republic as passed by their national legislature following our occupation of Panthou.

Mr. President, we all need to recollect our memories regarding our friends that have been with us since the bush era and going through the list, I find it necessary-in my opinion, that we cannot afford to ignore mentioning the support Israel extended to us. All we need is to appreciate their support and ask for more especially in moments such as this.  As a general rule, we turn to our friends in moments of need and of excess just like a Christian does to God. This is no time to panic but it is time to think of what is best for this nation. I am undoubtful that our efforts will be in vain should we seek military aid from ISRAEL. ISRAEL has been our great friend and will continue to be! So why not exploit this opportunity while they may be willing to help us? Yes, WE can Mr. President because this is a better thing to do as we await the outcome and implementation of UN Security Council (UNSC) deliberation on adopting the African Union (AU) roadmap adopted [this week] by the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) aimed at resolving disputes between our Republic [South Sudan] and the Republic of Sudan.

May I remind your Excellency that, in a closed door meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, we need to apologise in respect to the statement your Excellency made during UN General Assembly meeting commending the giving of Palestinians their statehood. Mr. President, we all know that Israel does not and will never acknowledge or approve the statehood of Palestine because of their political as well as religious differences for decades. Approving that it is necessary to give Palestinians their state must have been a great disappointment to Israel and US alike. In this sense, our Apology will be a good move to further cement our relations and intended to solicit military aid in good faith.

Mr. President, I wish not to remind you that the superpowers are hiding their faces and expect us to seek military aid from a nation having goodwill and interest in our state of affairs. On the contrary, I have observed beyond doubt that there is something lacking within our armed forces which we cannot ask from anywhere but from ourselves. In my opinion, it is the moral our gallant armed forces had during the liberation struggle. The question is where is that moral with which, say two hundred (200), SPLA soldiers could defeat Sudan Armed forces (SAF) numbering, perhaps, a thousand (1000)?

Mr. President, this is an open question which I do not intend you to answer because the answer does not lie with you but with the army generals! The point is, during times such as this, we need to give our army at the battle-field some reasonable bonuses which, I believe, will arouse some lost moral. An increased salary during times of war, I think, is a good motivation for a soldier at the battle-field. Our army need this simple thing, Mr. President. We as a nation need to hold together facing challenges from authoritarian government of the Sudan. We can defeat them especially if we accept our weaknesses and improve on them alongside building on areas of our competences! We need to be supportive at all times: in moments of success and of defeat. And believing that ISRAEL shall give us military aid, may I ask your Excellency to direct the Chief of General Staff to ensure that Generals commanding war troops be together with them at the battle-field just as we commonly know it is an incentive for winning against an enemy and creates an element of moral necessary to cause success!

May it impress your Excellency what I shall say in curing the political disease in Khartoum. For sure, we are at times of political stress and so the mind thinks that way. I hold the view that if we need a comprehensive cure for that disease, then we must think of a regime change in Khartoum which I think we can manage given our ties with the SPLM-N and to solicit support form opposition parties may not be too difficult. Mr. President, May I remind you that the NCP is a cause of our souring relations with the Sudan. Yes I must say it is because the President of the Republic of Sudan, the Governor of Southern Kordofan and the Minister of Defense are all ICC indictees for crimes committed in relation to Darfur rebellion! Do we expect any good from this leadership having on it individuals who have records of criminal responsibility and who call us “mercenaries and Insects”? Of course not, Mr. President but I recommend your Excellency takes this as a long term comprehensive political solution. It is long term in the sense that we need to barter this idea with individual members of SPLM-N as well as unmentioned allies in the Republic of Sudan and get them on our side. We can better manage it with support from our allies but this is no time to think that way because there is a declared war on our state. So your Excellency may invest in this idea as a longer answer to the recurring political nuisance of the authoritarian regime in Khartoum!

I must apologise to your good office, Mr. President, in case I have erred in writing this letter but I am acting in my capacity as a patriotic citizen having the goodwill for our nation. May this letter give your Excellency the courage to face the current political surge with determination, confidence and motivation to invest in the democracy of our nation and to know that there are patriots who always think of this nation day and night.

Mr. President, allow me to say a big thank you for having read my letter as I have confidence in your administration as President of the Republic and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed forces.
 May God enrich your leadership with ideas necessary for the growth and flourishing of democracy and rule of law in our nation!
 God Bless South Sudan!
Kindly yours in patriotism,

 Magok Alier Akuot
The writer is a student of Law at Dr. John Garang Memorial University of Science and Technology, Jonglei State-Bor
He can be reached at Email: unclelouish@gmail.com

By Rev. Stephen M. Mou (Borglobe)

Jonglei state is one of the states with good number of educated youth and elders compare to the other states and at the same token, it’s the state that has high number of the Episcopal Church’s members in the South Sudan, but also has high level of confusion amongst ECS Dioceses. A disputed 2004 ECS election issues were not reconciled and Elijah Abuoi Arok did not return to ECS after deciding join different denomination soon after election’s dispute. On 13th April 2004, another seven South Sudanese senior priests saw irregularities in ECS election and they chose to join a newly established denomination in Sudan called Reformed Episcopal Church of the Sudan. Among the seven senior priests, at least three were the most senior priests from Jonglei, Rev. Philip Angony Chol, Rev. John Machar Thon, and Rev. Daniel Dau Deng.

On 14 May 2011, another election sent away at least five senior priests to Lutheran Church, Rev. William Ayor Wel, Rev. Jacob Ayuen Diing, Rev. David Chol Aguto, Paul Angang Manasseh Mac and Deniel Ayuen Manyok. There is no clear evidence if the election was rigged or not in favor of Bishop Akurdit Ngong, and alongside breaking away of senior priests there has been the issue of Kongoor being the favorite name for the new Diocese with high level of politicization of ethnicity.

The Episcopal Church of the Sudan’s historic growth is making a BIG U turn in Jonglei State Twic Areas from the recent debate of the names for their new Dioceses and election of candidates.  The history of ECS indicates that the first Episcopal Church in the Dinka territory was located at Malek in 1905 and the history continues moving its centers from town to towns.
 

e,g  the Diocese of Akot, the Diocese of Aweil,  the Diocese of Bor??? the Diocese of Chueibet,  the Diocese of El Obeid, the Diocese of Ezo, the Diocese of Ibba, the Diocese of Juba, the Diocese of Kadugli, the Diocese of Kajo-keji, the Diocese of Khartoum, the Diocese of Lainya, the Diocese of Lui, the Diocese of Malakal, the Diocese of Maridi, the Diocese of Mundri, the Diocese of Nzara, the Diocese of Pachong, the Diocese of Port Sudan, the Diocese of Rejaf, the Diocese of Renk, the Diocese of Rokon, the Diocese of Rumbek,  the Diocese of Terekeka, the Diocese of Torit, the Diocese of Wad Medani, the Diocese of Wau, the Diocese of Yambio, the Diocese of Yei, and the Diocese of Yirol.
However, the Jonglei state is the only area amongst South Sudan’s ten states that have come up with the clans’ names or sectional names for their new Dioceses than town names as above.  They began general by adopting “Twic East” a names for one of the counties in Jonglei state unfortunately the next diocese seem to adopt clans’ name “Kongoor” instead of Wangulei, Pawel, Wernyol or Panyagoor if at all there was no confusion behind the naming.  And I am scared that this issue of Clannish Dioceses will create more confusion than what the church intends to do.

I do question myself, aren’t Twics’ ECS members convincing themselves to adopt town names for their new Dioceses than clans’ or sectional names?  My question may sound strange but I am not against the name Kongoor for those who may think so but I am seeing the implications that might come with it in the future unless if we in the church care less about the future of our ECS church in Jonglei state.

The province of the Episcopal Church and its Bishops should have noticed this and avoid it before the confusion get rotten and burst. The Diocese must be located in town and name after town not clans’ names. There is no town known as Twic East or Kongoor in Jonglei and this is a big U turn in Jonglei and especially in Twic area where ECS and its members have twisted a new system that give them opportunity to adopting clans name for the Dioceses.

The province of the Episcopal Church of the Sudan has to take leading role by sending respected church leaders to Jonglei to listen to grievances on the ground; they must good listeners, non-partisan and well oriented in conflict resolution field. I would also suggest the amendments of the ECS constitution on Bishops’ election if there is article that is not clear. We need peace in the Church not personal interest and it’s high time for ECS to spot out the causes of
inconveniences.

Rev. Stephen M. Mou
University of Winnipeg Canada,
Student of Master degree program in Theology.

Stephen M. Mou
Senior Director and Founder
Community Care Organization
                 (CCO)
website: http://www.communitycaressd.org/
Tel: (+249) 955628461
Email: ccocare@gmail.com

South Sudan's independence last July was forged through years of hard-fought rebellion in the bush, so it seems fitting that the world's newest nation still keeps much of its history in a tent.

The weather-beaten brown tent in a roadside government compound in the capital Juba goes unnoticed by most passing drivers and pedestrians. Musty papers, files, books and photos, some honeycombed with termites, litter its stifling interior.

But this unassuming collection of paper, which would probably not qualify for a jumble sale in the West, holds part of the historical memory of Africa's most recent state, straddling the White Nile and its vast Sudd swamp.

Piled higgledy-piggledy on the grimy concrete floor and on old tables, or bursting out of sacks, the documents in the tent are a treasure trove of records dating back to the early 1900s, when Sudan and its remote South was under Anglo-Egyptian rule.

The collection of civil service files and official reports tracks the southern territory's history through unified Sudan's independence in 1956 and the years that followed which saw back-to- back civil wars fought by African rebels - now South Sudan's rulers - against governments in the largely Muslim North.

The papers, languishing under canvass for several years since a 2005 North-South peace deal, have survived fire, war and the elements. They are the core of what will be South Sudan's National Archives - that is, once they are rescued and housed in a new building promised as an independence gift by Norway.

"There is no nation without history," said Youssef Fulgensio Onyalla, 48, senior inspector for Museums and Monuments at South Sudan's Ministry of Culture and Heritage which is racing against time - and the termites - to recover and preserve the archives.

"Thank God, we are working to bring the archives alive," said Onyalla, who studied archeology at the Lebanese-American University in Beirut before returning to his home nation.

The National Archives form part of an ambitious project, still in its infancy, to endow the emerging nation with a panoply of cultural heritage institutions, including a National Museum, National Library, National Theatre and Cultural Centre.

These cultural aspirations may seem lofty, even unreal, in a newborn African nation of more than 8 million people that despite its oil resources is one of the least developed on earth, and where more than 70 percent of the population are illiterate.

But South Sudanese officials say forging a national identity out of a complex patchwork of more than 70 ethnic groups, some of them traditional historical foes, is as important a part of nation-building as constructing roads, schools and clinics.

"You can't strengthen a state without strengthening the minds and hearts of the people," Undersecretary for Culture Jok Madut Jok, one of the country's most respected intellectuals, told Reuters.

Liberation war

Forging this national consciousness is no small challenge in a nation where ethnic enmities over cattle, water and grazing rights, exacerbated through the centuries by slave-raiding and in recent decades by the brutal civil war, still trigger outbursts of bloodshed.

"It's something that will take a generation ... countries are not born, they are made," said Jok, who has a PhD in Anthropology from the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).

The need for a sense of nationhood has become all the more urgent as South Sudan's guerrilla commander-turned-statesman President Salva Kiir urges its citizens to brace for continuing hardships in the face of persisting military and economic confrontation with northern neighbour Sudan.

Patriotism runs high among ordinary people in Juba and South Sudan's independence from Sudan last year, the result of the liberation struggle fought since 1963 that killed more than 2 million people, is a powerful agglutinant of national identity.

"The challenge is to transition to being a member of a nation state, rather than a citizen of an ethnic group. Most people are loyal to their ethnic ties," Jok said.

Juba abounds with Kenyans, Ugandans and citizens from other neighbouring states but most locals, when asked where they come from, proudly respond "I am South Sudanese". Many would struggle to sing the new national anthem, whose words are in English, however.

References to the spilled blood of the nation's "war martyrs" are a staple of major speeches and the bearded image of independence hero Dr. John Garang, a Dinka warrior and U.S.-trained founder of the ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), peers down from the walls of most government offices.

His face also adorns the new South Sudanese banknotes.

"What binds South Sudan together is that they gained independence, but there was something here before, and there will be something after," said Elke Selter, a culture programme specialist working for UNESCO South Sudan.

Salah Khaled, the head of South Sudan's UNESCO office, believes that tapping into common cultural traditions, for example funerals and marriages, and oral histories is one way of seeking common traits and customs among the country's diverse peoples.

"We need to find the common denominator between them," Khaled said.

As a way of creating a collective identity, Jok has devised the idea of a travelling cultural exhibit of artifacts like cooking and farm utensils, weapons and musical instruments.

This will traverse the nation, picking up new items and at the same time showcasing South Sudan's great variety of ethnic groups - the Dinka, Merle, Nuer, Bari and others.

"It's the embryo of the national museum ... You put them all together and say 'this is what they are used for'... People will see the commonality, but also the diversity," Jok said.

Colonial bureaucracy

In the strength-sapping heat of the archives tent, even a cursory inspection shows the wealth of historical record it contains - a gold mine of potential knowledge for historians, researchers, students and, one day, tourists.

In English and Arabic, set down in neat but florid handwriting or typewritten, the files reveal the minutiae of Sudan's colonial and post-1956 independence bureacracy in the South, including budgets, personnel and official reports on topics from maps and minerals to land and tribal disputes.

Colonial era correspondence on yellowed paper from 1935 requests a meeting to discuss "matters affecting the Madi fishing in Sudan waters", an example of tribal issues that local district commissioners were often called upon to deal with.

A large amount of documents in the tent refer to the 1970s, a period when South Sudan was governed by a High Executive Council during the rule in Khartoum of President Jaafar Nimeiri.

A dusty painted portrait of Nimeiri in military uniform is propped up against a table in the middle of the tent.

Faded official black and white photographs strewn about show visiting royalty, including the late Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie and Britain's Princess Anne.

In one corner stand grime-covered shields of the Nuer tribe, native spears and a basket of the Bari people.

South Sudan has approached Sudan requesting the repatriation of archives and documents pertaining to its history.

But some are sensitive, for example security files on the Sudanese army's operations in the South during the long years of civil war, or maps or treatises on oil or mineral deposits, which could become vital evidence in the South's ongoing disputes with the North over where the border is and who owns the oil.

Rummaging among the papers, journalists find what appears to be a 1957 map that covers the now disputed border area in a file riddled with termite holes and encrusted with the burrowing insects' earthy secretions. Onyalla carries it away for study.

His team has begun the task of moving files from the tent to more hospitable premises in Juba, cataloguing and storing them.

One third of the archives have already been transferred in an initiative backed byNorway and the United States. The U.S. embassy provided funds to supply protective cardboard archive files and electronic scanners to copy documents.

But there is an urgent need for more money.

UNESCO's South Sudan office, which is also helping the new country tackle its enormous educational deficit, is drawing up a cultural strategy that can be presented to donors.

But it is a tough sell at a time when aid budgets are being pared back and South Sudan's government needs to pay for infrastructure, health, education and defense.

"In a country where everything is a priority now, how can arts and culture compete with the construction of a school or a clinic?" South Sudan's cultural champion Jok says ruefully. - Reuters
 

“An estimated $4 billion are unaccounted for or, simply put, stolen by current and former officials, as well as corrupt individuals with close ties to government officials. Most of these funds have been taken out of the country and deposited in foreign accounts. Some have purchased properties; often paid in cash…We fought for freedom, justice and equality. Many of our friends died to achieve these objectives. Yet, once we got into power, we forgot what we fought for and began to enrich ourselves at the expense of our people.” By President Kiir

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA, Planet Earth

South Sudan is screwed up! The contents and wordings of the recently released Presidential letter that scandalously alleged that “an estimated $4 billion [are] stolen by current and former [government] officials, as well as [by] corrupt individuals with close ties” to the government of the Republic of South Sudan is, at best, a resounding confirmation of the obvious and, at worst, a flagrant betrayal of nation’s expectation in post-independence era. The letter is a somber reminder of and unsettling testimony to the extent and magnitude to which the current Juba-based SPLM/A has betrayed and abandoned the exceptional aspirations, noble dreams and great vision of the former bush-based SPLM/A.

In that infamous letter of 03 May 2012, President Kiir, the author, squarely admits that “the people of South Sudan and the International Community are alarmed by the [unprecedented] level of corruption in South Sudan.” President Kiir goes on to claim that corruption has no place in his government; acknowledges that many people are suffering in South Sudan, and “yet some government officials simply care [more] about themselves.” Finally, he concedes that the credibility of his government “is on the line” should the present-day corruption spree goes on unchecked. Perusing the letter, South Sudanese may wonder: so what has the Good President, who reigns by decrees, done to stem the vicious cycle of rampant corruption within his government and under his watchful eyes? Well, according to the letter, the Good President has, over the past several months, decreed “a number of measures to put in place a mechanism to battle corruption and also to recover stolen government funds by current and former South Sudan officials.” What is so interesting here though is that these "measures" were crafted just "past several months" and only after over $4 billion has been lost. With no more oil revenues to protect, of what use are the measures and mechanisms deployed after the storm over the past seven years?

In pursuant to that goal, the president has ostensibly appointed a new Chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission; sent out eight letters to heads of states in Africa, the United States, Middle East, and Europe seeking assistance in the recovery of stolen funds by current and former South Sudanese officials; issued several Presidential Decrees to strengthen transparency and tackle corruption; sent out letters to over seventy five former and current senior government officials in an effort to recover stolen funds; sent out over 5,000 Declaration of Assets forms to former and current government officials; received a report from 1,600 respondents on the Declaration of Assets from the Anti-Corruption Commission of which an estimated $60 million was recovered from various sources from fraudulent transactions and misappropriation of funds by government institutions; opened a bank account in Kenya so that stolen funds can be returned to this account and, most importantly, “multiple investigations have been underway since January 2012 in an effort to recover stolen funds.”

While the current effort by the government, and President Kiir’s new-found courage, to tackle officialized corruption head-on is highly welcomed, with South Sudanese people strongly believing that it is better to be late than never; it is still far from clear if President Kiir is ready, willing and able to go after his wartime buddies and peacetime cronyists. On the one hand, the President appears to be assertive and threatening enough to have his way and will with his former and current corrupt senior government officials: “the government will continue its investigation of stolen funds and will hold accountable those officials and individuals who have stolen government funds and refused to return these funds.” On the other hand, just when you are about to get convinced that the end is near and here, the president, within the same breath of air, timidly and beggingly announces, to the annoyance of all proud South Sudanese people, that: “I am writing to encourage you to return these stolen funds (full or partial) to this account. If funds are returned, the government of the Republic of South Sudan will grant amnesty and will keep your name confidential. I and only one other official will have access to this information.”

The haunting question from the lips of all South Sudanese is why on earth a Mighty President would beg thieves, scammers, plunderers and suckers to return stolen public assets? For the record, President Kiir is not a weakling and nor is he bound by any bureaucratic checks and balances of a democratic system like the US president. He rules the country through Presidential Decrees; he securely passed a national constitution with no presidential term limits and he jails journalists, who have unwittingly crossed his path, with little regard to the rule of law. The SPLM, the rebel-turned ruling party he leads, has an absolute majority in parliament for the president to rubber-stamp any law he wishes. Furthermore, President Kiir has an iron-grip on the South Sudan army, the SPLA. President Kiir too is, just for the lack of any credible opposition party, generally backed by the majority of South Sudanese public: he got over 90% of the vote during the last election year and is likely to maintain more or less the same popularity in the next one. He is a leader unto himself, enjoying so much leeway and power that would make President Obama envious of him. That is what prompted one South Sudanese commentator to wonder out loud: "does the power have the power to collect the stolen funds?" Only President Kiir can also that solemn question.

South Sudan is screwed up because all indications point to the fact that President Kiir is powerful enough to deal with the corrupt government officials with a stroke of a pen or an utterance of a single word, and yet he has not done so, so far. Why is he bashfully begging the thieves who brazenly ransacked South Sudan national coffers to honorably return the spoils? Because the President could be one of them in that they are all involved in the plundering of government funds; because he is not involved but those guys are his dear close friends or political cronyists; because he is doing this for a show and therefore there is absolutely no need to get serious with your buddies; because he runs the risk of getting exposed himself should he clamp down hard on the bad boys/girls of his government who might have acted within his full knowledge if not downright endorsement; because the President has not set a good record by returning his own ill-gotten wealth to demonstrate his new-found disgust with the official corruption that has cost South Sudan over $4 billion dollars and counting or simply because he is actually powerless to take on the moneyed and tribal chieftains of his corrupt government. Most South Sudanese, however, would rather argue that it is because the President has no moral standing to face his equally morally bankrupt colleagues to arm-twist them into returning their booties.

South Sudan is screwed up because the President entrusted with the protection and promotion of South Sudanese national welfare and aspiration is either soundly sleeping on the job or an accomplice or just unable or unwilling to effect his constitutional mandate. If the President can’t do his assigned job, one that he is getting paid for, who will? If the President is unwilling or unable or unready, who is? If the president is powerless before the plunderers, who is not? South Sudan is also screwed up because the proverbial liberators have shamelessly turned into broad daylight robbers and looters. Among other things, the SPLM/A fought against Fassad, Rashwah and Wasta, not because those vices were being practiced and propagated by Khartoum at the expense of the marginalized people but, more so, because the practices are immoral and economically debilitating in and of themselves. For the SPLM/A leaders and ranks to have distinguished themselves in the bush as sworn enemies to and destroyers of Fassad, Rashwah and Wasta only for them to turn around when in power to become the undisputed guardian of Fassad, Rashwah and Wasta is a betrayal of the highest order of the objectives, aspirations and vision of the SPLM/A.

Without a doubt, South Sudanese people do definitely feel the pain in the voice of the President when he utters the following moving words: “We fought for freedom, justice and equality. Many of our friends died to achieve these objectives. Yet, once we got into power, we forgot what we fought for and began to enrich ourselves at the expense of our people.” Still, as they say, action speaks louder than words. By his own admission, not that anyone needed it to arrive at that same conclusion, the embezzlement and misappropriation of government funds were committed by former and current senior government officials plus their little monsters. If that is the case, assuming that the President is clean and determined, who and what is preventing him from decreeing that all “former and current South Sudan government officials, as well as corrupt individuals with close ties to government officials” must, with immediate effect, resign from the government of the Republic of South Sudan and they must never be appointed to serve in the government because they have spectacularly succeeded to bring the country on its knees. The President does not need to send out letters to foreign governments because he knows exactly who has stolen what. Nor does he need to dole out Declaration of Assets forms because no thief in his/her right mind would divulge his ill-gotten wealth. Who is the President kidding here: the citizens or the daring thieves?

Debatably, the Anti-Corruption Czar is either part of the racketeers wreaking havoc on South Sudan or he is too powerless and clueless to do anything about the vice—in that case, his/her salary should be put to better use. Does the President really need a report from the Anti-Corruption Commission to act on the missing $4 billion? What is the definition of a national economic disaster befitting national emergence mood and action? Above all, instead of coaxing and hiding the names of the scammers from the public, the president should reveal from whom the $60 million was recovered from. Placing their egregious names in public view is called deterrence. The damning outrage they would receive from the public would act to deter future would-be public plunderers. Economic amnesty is a perfect recipe for and a categorical endorsement of an unabated continuation of the endemic corruption. There is no reason as to why anyone would care to stop partaking in corrupt dealings if there is no punishment or public shaming? There is no cost to it; it is a free profitable ride, all the way to the bank. With no persecution of wrongdoers, how could anyone, say investors, take South Sudan government seriously about investing or helping the nation? Isn’t it clear now why no country is willing to fund the construction of the South Sudan oil pipeline to the Kenyan port of Lamu? A country that pleads with her looters to regain its rightful national assets has no credibility to be taken earnestly by anyone.

South Sudan is screwed up because the man who is tasked with keeping the government on its toe is currently co-habiting with the NCP in Khartoum. Dr. Lam Akol, South Sudan official opposition leader of SPLM-DC, has strangely found a paradise in a country that is mercilessly killing and forcefully deporting South Sudanese en masse. Why is Dr. Lam Akol living in Khartoum especially when the two countries are practically at war and particularly when he is needed most in Juba to discharge his vigilantic duties of keeping an eye on the government on behalf of South Sudanese people? The opposition party leader, who is the national leader in the waiting, should not be seen to be pandering to the enemies of South Sudan without losing his credibility in the eyes of the public that he is aspiring to lead. Dr. Lam should be in Juba holding the government accountable for the loss of $4 billion. By taking up on the issue of the day that matter, Dr. Lam could lastly gain a platform upon which he could hope to endear himself to the people of South Sudan in readiness to the forthcoming election. Even if he could be shedding crocodile tears, no one would fault his opportunistic patriotism because it would be anchored on the fact that the current government is corrupt and SPLM-DC may be a better alternative. Instead, his presence in Khartoum when he is needed most in Juba will only go to reinforce the prevailing perception that he is a prodigal son who keeps on rebounding back to his old traitorous ways without ever learning from his sinful past. Who has bewitched this academically bright son of South Sudan?

South Sudan is screwed up because nothing good will ever come out of the resumed Addis Ababa talks. As of now, given South Sudan's inflation rate of over 80%; given the drying up of South Sudan's national reserves that may not last for the next five months; given the realization that the highly publicized construction of South Sudan oil pipeline to the Kenyan coastal town of Lamu has turned out to be just nothing more than a pipe dream; given the intensification of deadly border conflicts and bombing of South Sudan undisputed territories by Khartoum amid deafening silent from the International Community  that came out, tooth and nail, not long ago to unequivocally condemn South Sudan over the capturing of Panthou/Heglig, and particularly, given South Sudan's utter failure to secure any substantial amount of financial aids or loan from any country, including China and the US, it is just highly likely that the South Sudanese delegation headed by Pagan Amum to the Addis Ababa talk will soon buckle and give in to political, economic and military pressure and sign unfavorable agreement just to save the government from economic collapse. In that case, it is possible that they may agree to the $30-35 per barrel transport fees demanded by Khartoum. Alternatively, it could come down to the range of $15-25 per barrel transport fees, which is still, by all international precedents, a daytime robbery.

Most likely, given their habitual stubbornness and the present vulnerability of South Sudan, Khartoum may demand a specified contractual time, say 99 years or so, throughout which South Sudan would be legally and internationally bound to continually export her oil through Sudan, with or without any alternative pipeline build by South Sudan in the future, failure to which Khartoum would be eligible to financial compensations from Juba. Just imagine your two-year contract with Verizon Wireless, for South Sudanese Americans, for example. The most distressing part is that South Sudan has no friends out there to help it either because it is corrupt---and it is---or because it has no effective diplomatic corps to polish and promote the country internationally. The Panthou/Heglig crisis should have been a wake up call if Juba was serious to remedy its weakest points. The only country that came to the defense was Uganda, of all countries. It is hope that things might be different once ambassadors are posted, assuming that there is a budget to do just that. Given any amount of transport fees agreed at eventually in Addis Ababa, Khartoum will use the money to buy advanced weapons to fight South Sudan and the marginalized people of the Sudan in Darfur, Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile; purchase more bombs to bomb South Sudanese towns; will continue to siphon off and steal South Sudan's oil and could easily, and with no second thought, renege on the agreement knowing very well that South Sudan has nowhere else to resort to and can't afford to shut down oil production again.

South Sudan is screwed up because the SPLM/A as the ruling party, the government of South Sudan, President Kiir as the only surviving founder of the Movement, and Dr. Lam Akol as the official opposition leader, have all betrayed the nation’s expectation that illuminated and invigorated South Sudan’s independence. South Sudan’s independence was welcomed with a great relief at the end of the war, of death, of suffering, of oppression and servitude; it was greeted with bubbling expectations of a brighter tomorrow, of freedom and liberty, of economic prosperity and self-reliance, and above all, of a better accountable and transparent government of, for and by the people of the Republic of South Sudan. Instead, the past has endured and is rapidly expanding; the opposite is true. Although it is optimistically true that “there is still time to take critical decisions of saving our country from the crisis we currently face and to help the millions who are in desperate need of assistance in health care and education” President Kiir must realize that the number of specific measures taken by the Government of the Republic of South Sudan “to tackle official corruption and institute mechanisms to help prevent corruption and strengthen transparency and accountability” are not adequate nor effective.

President Kiir should set the record straight by turning in some of the money he has gotten illegally—yes, no one would ever believe him if he fancies or insists that he is Mr. Clean and his officials are Mr./Mrs. Dirtiest. The dog only barks or acts the language of the master. President Kiir should consult President Paul Kagame of Rwanda; he has had experiences disciplining his wartime buddies and peacetime cronyists. Though he is still a dictator, at least he is an enlightened one. For President Kagame, losing over $4 billion within his government, if it were to happen, would be perceived as a threat to his hard-earned and guardedly kept presidency, unlike President Kiir who saw it as a letter-writing soap-opera.

Ultimately, President Kiir must make a decision: part ways with his corrupt officials and bring in new clean ones or deal with them decisively but still keep them for the sake of stability or do nothing and be prepared to sink with them when destiny come calling! It came this week for Pharaoh Mubarak of Egypt!! Like President Kiir, Hosni Mubarak was a war-decorated hero among his people and yet, that was not enough to save him from the inevitable call of destiny! Surely, those who don’t learn from history are doomed to repeat it!! Will President Kiir learn from history or will he be condemned to repeat it? You bet!

PaanLuel Wël (paanluel2011) is the Managing Editor of PaanLuel Wël: South Sudanese Bloggers. He can be reached through his Facebook page, Twitter account or on the blog: http://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com/

IN THE NUBA MOUNTAINS, Sudan – I’d like to introduce a valiant woman here, Mariam Tia, to President Barack Obama and other world leaders, so she could explain how they’re allowing Sudan’s leaders to get away with mass atrocities that echo Darfur.   Once again, in Sudan there are starving children, tens of thousands of refugees, rapes and racial epithets, a spiraling death toll and passivity in the White House.
Mariam was pregnant when the Sudanese Army invaded her village here in the rebel-held Nuba Mountains and shot her husband dead. Enraged, she took over a mounted machine gun set up by rebels and began to rake the soldiers as they burned the village’s huts.
Mariam said she isn’t sure whether she actually shot any soldiers and that soon they began firing back, so she had to run for her life. She eventually relocated to a dank mountain cave, where – like countless other Nubans – she felt a bit safer from random bombings by government warplanes. When her due date came, two months ago, Mariam delivered her baby by herself inside the cave.
She named her baby girl Fakao, which is shorthand for: bombs are dropping. When people hear Antonov bombers releasing their payloads, they shout “Fakao! Fakao!” That’s the signal to huddle behind rocks and hope for the best.
“When this child was in my stomach, I used to run from the bombers,” Mariam told me as she nursed Fakao in front of her cave. “I named her this so that I could remember the struggle we went through to give her life.
“If I ever see the enemy again,” she added, “I will tie this baby to my back and pick up a gun and fight them.”
World leaders could use some of that backbone. Instead, they have said little and done almost nothing as President Omar Hassan al-Bashir has – for a year now – undertaken daily bombings in the Nuba Mountains and the neighboring Blue Nile region, blocked food from entering, expelled aid groups and tried to bar witnesses. I entered illegally on a dirt track from South Sudan, and I found that hundreds of thousands of people in the Nuba Mountains have run out of food and are surviving on leaves, wild roots and insects.
As I travel about here, I find the contrasts heartbreaking. One is the gulf of technology between government forces and their civilian victims: I interview impoverished families huddling in caves and eating leaves and bugs, and our conversations are interrupted by Sudanese MiG or Antonov bombers overhead. Sudan mostly drops anti-personnel bombs full of shrapnel, but it occasionally drops cluster bombs.
One woman, Hasia al-Ahmar, told me that her mother had starved to death and then the government dropped a bomb that landed directly on the family’s grass-roof mud hut, with her sister inside.
“We could just pick up little pieces of her and put them in a plastic bag,” she said. “And then we buried the bag.”
The collision between a 21st-century bomb and a village woman in a traditional mud hut – that pretty much captures the horror of what is unfolding now in the Nuba Mountains. The same bombings and starvation also seem to be occurring next door in the Blue Nile region, forcing tens of thousands to flee to South Sudan.
Another contrast is between the timidity and fecklessness of world leaders, and the courage and grit of the Nuba people themselves. Take Hamat Dorbet, a 39-year-old evangelical Presbyterian pastor.
In an anti-Christian campaign a dozen years ago in this Muslim-dominated country, the authorities began arresting Hamat for ringing his church bell and preaching to his congregation. They would arrest him each Sunday, according to his account and that of neighbors, and then beat and torture him for a few days.
Each Sunday, after a few days of recovery, Hamat would struggle back to the church, ring the bell and begin another service. Then police officers would come and drag him out for more torture. Once they shot him, and he almost died. A month after that, when he could move again, he roused himself out of bed one Sunday morning, limped to the church and boldly rang the bell to deliver another service.
A peace accord shortly afterward stopped the persecution and, perhaps, saved his life. But these days, Hamat is again struggling to stay alive. Like most of his church members, he has nothing to eat but leaves, roots and insects, and he is fading. And, of course, this is a government-designed famine: In Sudan, “to starve” is a transitive verb.
Hamat is not asking for help, and he’s not feeling sorry for himself. I’d like to explain to him why the world lets this happen without even speaking out strongly, and I just don’t know what to say. President Obama?

Nicholas Kristof, a columnist for The New York Times, can be reached at 630 Eighth Ave., New York, NY 10018.

“I did not say the money was stolen neither I did say $4Bn has been stolen. I said the money has been lost somewhere and someone has to account for it. I have written to 75 former and present gov’t officials. This does not mean that these 75 officials are suspects but they have the responsibility. I will still write to some officials whom I had written to them and now claimed to have not received any letter from my office. I will again write to some more officials whom I did not write to them earlier.” (President Kiir, May 13th, 2012)

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA, Planet Earth

The combined forces of determined impunity and endemic corruption are striking back and the once-daring and -forthright President Salva Kiir is beating a hasty retreat on his not-long-ago promise to the South Sudanese people to slay the dragon and to recover the stolen $4 Billion of South Sudan’s national assets. For anyone out there who cares to connect the dots on this war on permeating corruption and entrenched impunity, it looks like there is a Panthou-Part-Two in the making. Remember how President Kiir promised heaven and hell to remain in Panthou/Heglig, comes rain comes sunshine, only for him later to unilaterally withdraw South Sudanese troops without any conditions?

On April 10, 2012, South Sudan Army—the SPLA—captured the disputed, oil-rich town of Panthou/Heglig from Khartoum. While history will record July 9th as South Sudan Independence Day, April 10th, in the minds and spirits of all South Sudanese, was the day that South Sudan truly became an independent state. Two days later, April 12th, President Kiir issued one of his memorable statements that endeared him to and galvanized his support among the South Sudanese citizens as the young nation faced off with Khartoum over Panthou/Heglig’s crisis and contended with unprecedented condemnations from the International community:

“Last night I never slept because of the telephone calls…those who have been calling me — starting with the U.N. Secretary-General, yesterday — he gave me an order that I’m ordering you to immediately withdraw from Heglig. I said I’m not under your command…I told him you do not need to order me because I am not under your command. I am a head of state accountable to my people and do not have to be ordered by someone I do not fall under his direct command. I will not withdraw the troops [from Panthou/Heglig]…we withdrew from Abyei. Bashir occupied Abyei and is still there up to today…I told the UN Secretary-General that if you are not moving out with this force of Bashir, we are going to reconsider our position and we are going back to Abyei.” President kiir Mayardit to the UN Chief, Bank Ki Moon, April 12th, 2012)

The statement was magical. That was not Salva Kiir the South Sudanese people knew during the war or within the seven years of the transitional period after the CPA. Salva kiir was known as a quiet, dedicated gentleman with a lot of humility, always keen on avoiding high stake controversies unlike the late SPLM/A charismatic leader, Dr. John Garang, who throve in and was adept at turning high stake controversies into his advantages and lethal weapons against Khartoum. With Joshua (Kiir’s nickname) rallying South Sudanese against the combined onslaughts from the belligerent Khartoum and the largely clueless International Community, South Sudanese people, for the first time since independence, found a cause to shed off their internal divisions and a rally cry to present a united front as one, tribe-less nation.

So strong was the backing President Kiir garnered from the citizens that he threatened “to send SPLA to Abyei if the African Union does not pressure Sudan to withdraw its forces from Abyei, a disputed region between Sudan and South Sudan.” But this was not to be because barely two weeks later, the President caved in to intense pressure from the International Community and unilaterally withdrew the SPLA from Panthou/Heglig. South Sudanese people, left high and dry on the altar of lost and found patriotism, were outraged and dumbfounded. Didn’t the President categorically and publicly declare that he was not under the direct command of anybody but the South Sudanese people themselves, they wondered out loud?

As far as President Kiir’s declared war on corruption is concerned, there is an eerily striking reminiscent of what happened in Panthou. Call it Panthou-Part-Two in the making. On March 3rd, 2012, President Kiir, out of his own volition, baffled the world—but only vindicated South Sudanese who have all along been acutely aware of and been consistently decrying the mounting level of corruption in Juba—when he finally publicly admitted that:

“An estimated $4 billion are unaccounted for, or simply put, stolen by current and former South Sudan officials as corrupt individuals with close ties to government officials. Most of these have been taken out of the country and deposit in foreign accounts. Some have purchased properties; often paid in cash…the people of South Sudan and the International Community are alarmed by the level of corruption in South Sudan. Many people in South Sudan are suffering, and yet some government officials simply care about themselves. The credibility of our government is on the line…we fought for freedom, justice and equality. Many of our friends died to achieve these objectives. Yet, once we got to power, we forgot what we fought for and began to enrich ourselves at the expense of our people…I am writing to encourage you to return these stolen funds (full or partial) to this account. If funds are returned, the government of the Republic of South Sudan will grant amnesty and will keep your name confidential. I and only one other official will have access to this information.” (President Kiir in an official letter to 75 former and current senior government officials, May 3rd, 2012)

And just like at the dawn of the Panthou/Heglig’s debacle, South Sudanese citizens, who have heroically bore the burden of state-sponsored and –condoned corruption, came out in support of President Kiir’s bold admission of the alarming rate and the pervasiveness of official corruption. Though it was obviously clear to all South Sudanese that the government was utterly corrupt, no one had imagined it to be to the tune of over $4 billion or that over 75 senior government officials were perpetuating it. Because the numbers involved and the magnitude of official corruption were beyond anyone’s wildest dream, President Kiir’s courageous disclosure of the facts was unanimously welcomed and his wholehearted promise to track down and recover the stolen funds was highly appreciated by South Sudanese people.

On June 5th, 2012, South Sudan’s human rights advocacy group—the South Sudan Human Rights Society for Advocacy (SSHURSA)—released a press statement in which they applauded President Kiir’s letter to suspected South Sudanese corrupt officials. Not to be left behind in the holy crusade against national demon, South Sudan’s national assembly, on June 12th, 2012, following a majority vote by members of parliament, called for a suspension of the 75 Government officials identified by the president to have stolen public funds. To complicate the matters further for the 75 corrupt government officials to whom the letters were sent by the president, two former cabinet members, Dr. Lual Achuek who previously headed the Oil Ministry and Madam Awut Deng, an ex-minister of Labor, have come forward admitting that they are indeed part of the alleged 75 corruption mafia and have actually received the letters from the president, urging them to return their booties.

As expected, the two ex-ministers have emphatically denied the allegation of having stolen anything from anybody at any time in their entire lives. Interestingly, they are now calling upon—rather daring—their colleagues to assertively come forward and declare if they have received the letters and if they have stolen the funds as purportedly claim by the president. So far, especially among the currently serving government officials, none has dared to stake his/her neck out to state if they have been written to and what they think of the allegation. By all indications, they want South Sudanese to believe that the alleged 75 corrupt officials are in Khartoum, not Juba. This is the school of thought that Dr. Marial Benjamin, South Sudanese Information Minister, represented on his recent appearance on Aljazeera TV in the wake of President Kiir’s revelatory letter.

Actually, President Kiir is caught between two groups of South Sudanese. The first group is the Comrades in Armed Patriots (the C-in-A). The C-in-A Patriots comprises the vast majority of the veteran SPLA soldiers who are suffering like the rest of South Sudanese; the vast majority of the ordinary South Sudanese that have gained nothing but miseries and disillusionments from the independence of South Sudan, and the few honest and hard-working government officials, Governor Bakasoro of Western Equatoria and the SPLA commanders at the border-frontlines—for instance, who have abstained from the corruption spree to deliver on their promises to the masses. The second group, on the other hand, is the Comrades-in-Crime/Corruption Syndicates (the C-in-C). The C-in-C Syndicates includes, among others, the alleged 75 corrupt mafia who has successfully made away with over $4 billion from South Sudan public money. Dr. Marial Benjamin, by contradicting President Kiir’s crystal clear letter, is their spokesperson. Like Khartoum and the International Community during the Panthou/Heglig crisis, the C-in-C Mafia are determined to ensure the failure of South Sudan to protect and safeguard her interest, be they territorial, political or economic ones.

Unfortunately, the C-in-C mafia is succeeding! Whereas the president was categorically clear in his March 3rd letter to the C-in-C syndicates about the nature of corruption and the identities of those implicated in it, you would mistake him for Dr. Marial Benjamin on Aljazeera if you have read his May 13th, 2012 latest statement on the war on corruption:

“I did not say the money was stolen neither I did say $4Bn has been stolen. I said the money has been lost somewhere and someone has to account for it. I have written to 75 former and present gov’t officials. This does not mean that these 75 officials are suspects but they have the responsibility. I will still write to some officials whom I had written to them and now claimed to have not received any letter from my office. I will again write to some more officials whom I did not write to them earlier.” (President Kiir, May 13th, 2012)

President Kiir of March 3rd, 2012 declared that “an estimated $4 billion are unaccounted for, or simply put, stolen by current and former South Sudan officials as corrupt individuals with close ties to government officials.” In May, he is now claiming that he was quoted out of context because “I did not say the money was stolen neither I did say $4Bn has been stolen. I said the money has been lost somewhere and someone has to account for it.” What in the world is the President talking about? Does he listen to his own sound bites? Moreover, President Kiir had earlier stated that ‘some [former and current
government officials] have purchased properties; often paid in cash.” He had written 75 letters to these government officials, requesting them to “return these stolen funds (full or partial).” If indeed those 75 former and present government officials are/were not suspects, how could the President have written to and “encourage” them to “return these stolen funds (full or partial)?” Won’t that be a defamatory civil case?

One more time, just like during the Panthou/Heglig’s crisis, South Sudanese people are wondering out aloud: didn’t the President unreservedly and publicly declared that he has already identified and written to “75 former and current government officials” in a bid to recover the stolen public money and would be relentless in his fight to stop and eradicate corruption in South Sudan, once and for all? What has gotten over him? How could he have come out to expose the corruption malaise only to beat a hasty retreat within a few days? The answer is simple: he is coming under extreme pressure to “relax and take things easy” from the C-in-C mafia or else they would expose him as one of their own kith and kin who have, apparently, gone mad to wreak havoc on the “family house” from within, hardly aware that it would all come down, crumbling upon himself.

It is not that hard to picture the mess President Kiir has enmeshed himself in. First and foremost, by calling out the 75 corrupt officials, President Kiir is striving to differentiate and distance himself from the corrupt government he is leading. President Kiir is trying to reclaim the SPLM/A liberation mantle and of the promise of the Land of Canaan, flowing with milk and honey. He is trying to live up to the high expectation ushered in by the independence of South Sudan on July 9th, 2011. For the president to succeed though, he has to erect the devil and place the blame upon him. This has to be done before the son of man must sit on the high right hand of God, in readiness to be showered with somber praises and unadulterated admirations from the South Sudanese populace. The only problem with that strategy is that the devil, as always, is legendary wiser than mortals could dare to admit or realize. It will not be walking in the park for the President to fight corruption effectively and still remain clean and free especially when he has been the head-boy of this gang of alleged thieves.

Most notably, the demons bedeviling South Sudan’s economy are just but followers. Someone, wittingly or otherwise, gave them the green light, over many times, to engage in corruption. Someone somewhere, to borrow President Kiir’s ambiguity, had led them into corruption and must likewise lead them out of corruption. Put simply, President Kiir’s phraseology again, no one among the 75 government officials would willingly and freely come forward, admit of his/her crime and voluntarily return “full or partial” stolen money. Why would anyone do it if the President has not returned his supposedly stolen wealth? Why would you bother to admit to a crime that is presently being committed or return the money that would get stolen again? If the President is tired of corruption and is now serious and ready to deal with the scandal, he must set an example by being the first to receive his own handwritten letter, first to admit to the crime and first to publicly return his ill-gotten assets. Who among the ministers and the 75 government officials would refuse to toe the line if the President himself has accepted to carry his own cross to the Golgotha?

However, President Kiir is not going to do that anytime soon, never any time to be precise. President Kiir would not do so for the real fear that he would be called upon to account for his own crimes. He would be called upon to persecute the thieves and that would not be easy considering that he would be persecuting himself. The constitution is clear; all thieves belong behind bars. Besides, which President has ever voluntarily done such a thing and still remains as head of state? Is President Kiir ready to voluntarily step down? Absolutely not; he is there to stay put. Secondly, the alleged 75 government officials represent who-is-who in South Sudan tribal politics. There is no way anyone—not even President Kiir—can fire, persecute or jail those 75 guys and ladies and still have the country in peace and harmony. The cry of our-community-is-being-finished-or-being-singled-out-and-targeted will suffocate the nation. Civil war might ensue and Somalia-on-steroid might get born out of the current failed—but not yet collapse—Republic of South Sudan.

Thirdly, some corrupt officials would even be adamant that their conscience is clear in spite of what they have done. This point is well dramatized by one South Sudanese commentator, Mr. Philo of the SPLM-Diaspora Forum—an online forum where government critics regurgitate their unreasonable grievances with and imagined frustrations over the Government of the Republic of South Sudan, and wherein government supporters recite their undying love for and naked admirations of President Kiir in the hope of being spotted for a big, luxurious government’s position:

Following the scandalous episodes in the country, several suspected persons were brought before the high court for conviction trial. Judge Malongdit, wearing a red court robe, opens the court and began interrogating each one of them.

Judge Malongdit: Why did you do what you did?

33rd Person: Your Honor, they never paid my salary for 3 months, so I took what they owed me.

40th Person: Mr. Justice, having what I want is more important than being honest and save my business

45th Person: Lord Justice, I have 10 wives, 50 children, and 215 close relatives, where do I feed them?

57th Person: Lord Justice, everyone is doing it, why not me?

Judge Malongdit: (turning to a young lady, seated composed behind the court bench), what about you young lady what reasons do you have?

Young Lady, 69th Person: Your Honor, my husband is a problem! He accumulates debts and debts, never pays them, coming home late drunk and children in school!

70th Person: Your Honor, I was not paid during the war.

72nd Person: Your Honor Judge, they want to retire me without retirement arrangement, so I took my share of retirement.

73rd Person: Judge, I was just trying to beat the system, to see if they can discover it.

Assumed that the president is clean and free of corruption, it is still practically impossible for him to deal accordingly with his wartime comrades and peacetime buddies. It is partly due to the tribal nature of South Sudanese politics and partly due to the closeness of the top government officials—these are people who struggled, survived war and death together. It is just implausible that President Kiir would go after them with the same zealousness with which they have bankrupted South Sudan’s national coffers. While the war of empty words and rhetoric may intensify in the coming days, weeks, months and years, don’t hold your breath waiting for public persecution of any of the 75 public officials. It might happen that South Sudanese may never know of their exact identities.

But wait a minute; is this not the kind of “analyses” that was recently dismissed by Deng Arok Thon—the son of the Late Arok Thon Arok—as being a patronizing and too-knowing “views” usually espouse by the too-distant, too-arrogant and too-clueless South Sudanese in the Diaspora who should better leave South Sudan to South Sudanese and rather concentrate on their adoptive countries?

You in the Diaspora always seem to “know it all” and have so much to say: giving your “thoughts, analyses, theories, solution, views and resolutions.” Pay more attention to being productive citizens in your adoptive countries. I have nothing against any of you in the diaspora personally, but it’s the sense of patronism and Mr. Know- it- all-I-have-come-to-save-you-from-yourselves attitude many people in the Diaspora always seem to have. (Deng Arok Thon via Facebook May 12th, 2012).

South Sudanese people would pass the verdict themselves. The war on corruption knows no international borders; corruption is a disease against humanity! It was in that humanistic spirit that President Kiir thought it prudent to seek help from other heads of state by writing letters to them seeking the return of stolen South Sudan national resources. All that South Sudanese people care about is that the suspected stolen funds are fully recovered, corruption completely eradicated and that Juba adheres to its social contract with the masses by delivering on economic development, social services, good governance, long lasting peace and political stability!

If the South Sudanese Diaspora community has any contribution to make towards that noble national goal, so much the better! If South Sudan accepts economic, social, technological and developmental assistances from total foreigners, how about from people of South Sudanese origin? The seventh front is part and parcel of the required solution to South Sudan’s national predicaments.

PaanLuel Wël (paanluel2011@gmail.com) is the Managing Editor of PaanLuel Wël: South Sudanese Bloggers. He can be reached through his Facebook page, Twitter account or on the blog: http://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com/