Dear Mr. President,

Allow me to write in response to the on-going political as well as military surge between the Republic of South Sudan and the Republic of Sudan. Much has been written and said about this which is why I shall not assume the possibility of drawing your attention in respect to what I am about to say in my writing. As a citizen of this nation, my responsibility under the constitution is simply to express an opinion which per se may not influence your Excellency to duly rely on especially when it comes to taking tough military decisions. But it is my justified view that our nation needs collective responsibility in safeguarding and protecting its sovereignty by all means including and not limited to advising your Excellency as a citizen filled with sense of patriotism!

A lot has happened since the capture of Panthou and I shall not dwell much on what we have handled with sensibility. Let me applaud your wise leadership for setting standards which the regimes in Khartoum have, over the decades, failed to set. Respecting international norms and customs with respect to humanitarian law is such a good thing that we shall always be proud of and manifests itself in the way we have so far handled the boiling military build-up of the ruling authoritarian regime in Khartoum. As I shall precisely point out, the world has moved away from the era of war which Sudan, and especially the National Congress Party (NCP), is so much interested in. During moments such as this, we cannot ignore the benefits of differing views on the way forward, and I believe your Excellency must have been confronted with much more than I should say; yet there is always an end to difficulty.

It is true that many citizens are unhappy with your decision of withdrawing SPLA troops from Panthou. This must have been a painful decision to take but I am not unaware of the motivating circumstances leading to the taking of the said decision. On one hand, we have an obligation to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security under Chapter VII of the UN Charter; and on the other hand we have a responsibility to protect or defend not only the citizens but also the sovereignty of our state in accordance with the provision of Article 2 read together with article 53 clauses 1 and 2 of the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011. Choosing between these two important alternatives must have been too painful but your Excellency acted in a truly justiciable manner. As a matter of sincerity, I was taken aback and disappointed with your Excellency’s position when I first heard and read the council of Ministers’ resolution ordering the withdrawal of our troops from Panthou. However, my disappointment dissipated with reading and understanding our obligation under international law plus the manner in which we took Panthou from the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF). Although I was not supportive of your Excellency’s position along with the Council of Ministers’, I regretted my thoughts and so I understood your Excellency acted in a reasonable manner considering our pledge to respect and abide by human rights principles and the principles of international law as contained in the UN covenants. My regret is not in vain because it has been said, which I believe is true, that our gallant SPLA forces took Panthou as a result of recurrent attacks from SAF. Our taking it from them was not bad though, but taking it on the basis that it is part of South Sudan would:

Call into question our pledge to respect international norms and customs which bind nations together.

Have been a dangerous decision in terms of Khartoum reacting with swift force of a full scale war which, I think, we were not fully prepared to contain as a nation.
Make us loose our friends and, in my opinion, there would be possibility of sanctions being imposed on our state which, I think, we cannot withstand given our shaky economy because of oil shutdown!

As it is commonly known that Panthou is ours by history, there is no fear it will never be should we claim it before international tribunals such as the International Court of Arbitration at The Hague. I must say Moburuk Wa Moburukat Mr. President for the wise decision so taken!
Whereas it is my desire not to pin your Excellency down reading this lengthy letter, it is also crucial to understand the position of a concerned patriot who has sacrificed his valuable time writing to seek understanding from your Excellency. Mr. President, I shall implore you to take me as a patriot desiring to put an end to the war-mongering propaganda of Sudan and although my writing is not a binding thesis, since our learned patriots, having the foresight into world politics, have the constitutional mandate to advise your Excellency, I will add a non-binding piece of my mind.

In any given circumstances, the political idiocy of Khartoum cannot per se be taken for granted. Already Khartoum has declared war on our nation and to act in ignorance will be too dangerous especially to the legitimacy of your wise leadership. In moments like this all we need are allies having the goodwill and political interest in our affairs. I am not saying this as an answer to Khartoum military tone but I am saying it on the basis of defense with restrain should SAF step into our territory.  Before I sat down to write this letter, I had discussed a brief question with my learned colleague students who have the goodwill for this nation, and so I may be writing reflecting their shared views. The question I had asked them is: “which nation is most likely willing to help us with military aid during moments such as this?” Although there were no conclusive answers for this question, I gained courage and motivation to write this letter which I believe your Excellency will find relevant to read since it is from an ordinary citizen seeking the common good of our state.

Up to this moment of my letter Mr. President, I implore your patience to stay with me even though I seem not to point out what my letter intends to address. The point is we have a number of friendly states to look up to in terms of soliciting military aid especially when it comes to defense of our sovereignty from Khartoum’s aggression. I am obliged to think that your Excellency knows that most superpowers won’t be of help at this crucial moment when we need their help in terms of military aids as well as finances. This is based on political justifications which this letter cannot dwell on.

As far as the current political situation is concerned, Mr. President, I do not wish to puzzle your good office with, perhaps, insufficient political thoughts since I am not a politician. I have an idea which came out of a brainstorming discussion I had with my learned colleague students. My observation is based on the need to seek MILITARY AID FROM ISRAEL which I believe will be far more ready to LISTEN AND HELP US. The meeting point between our State [South Sudan] and Israel is: Israel is an enemy state number two (2) of the Republic of Sudan. Your Excellency knows that we are enemy state number (1) of the said Republic as passed by their national legislature following our occupation of Panthou.

Mr. President, we all need to recollect our memories regarding our friends that have been with us since the bush era and going through the list, I find it necessary-in my opinion, that we cannot afford to ignore mentioning the support Israel extended to us. All we need is to appreciate their support and ask for more especially in moments such as this.  As a general rule, we turn to our friends in moments of need and of excess just like a Christian does to God. This is no time to panic but it is time to think of what is best for this nation. I am undoubtful that our efforts will be in vain should we seek military aid from ISRAEL. ISRAEL has been our great friend and will continue to be! So why not exploit this opportunity while they may be willing to help us? Yes, WE can Mr. President because this is a better thing to do as we await the outcome and implementation of UN Security Council (UNSC) deliberation on adopting the African Union (AU) roadmap adopted [this week] by the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) aimed at resolving disputes between our Republic [South Sudan] and the Republic of Sudan.

May I remind your Excellency that, in a closed door meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, we need to apologise in respect to the statement your Excellency made during UN General Assembly meeting commending the giving of Palestinians their statehood. Mr. President, we all know that Israel does not and will never acknowledge or approve the statehood of Palestine because of their political as well as religious differences for decades. Approving that it is necessary to give Palestinians their state must have been a great disappointment to Israel and US alike. In this sense, our Apology will be a good move to further cement our relations and intended to solicit military aid in good faith.

Mr. President, I wish not to remind you that the superpowers are hiding their faces and expect us to seek military aid from a nation having goodwill and interest in our state of affairs. On the contrary, I have observed beyond doubt that there is something lacking within our armed forces which we cannot ask from anywhere but from ourselves. In my opinion, it is the moral our gallant armed forces had during the liberation struggle. The question is where is that moral with which, say two hundred (200), SPLA soldiers could defeat Sudan Armed forces (SAF) numbering, perhaps, a thousand (1000)?

Mr. President, this is an open question which I do not intend you to answer because the answer does not lie with you but with the army generals! The point is, during times such as this, we need to give our army at the battle-field some reasonable bonuses which, I believe, will arouse some lost moral. An increased salary during times of war, I think, is a good motivation for a soldier at the battle-field. Our army need this simple thing, Mr. President. We as a nation need to hold together facing challenges from authoritarian government of the Sudan. We can defeat them especially if we accept our weaknesses and improve on them alongside building on areas of our competences! We need to be supportive at all times: in moments of success and of defeat. And believing that ISRAEL shall give us military aid, may I ask your Excellency to direct the Chief of General Staff to ensure that Generals commanding war troops be together with them at the battle-field just as we commonly know it is an incentive for winning against an enemy and creates an element of moral necessary to cause success!

May it impress your Excellency what I shall say in curing the political disease in Khartoum. For sure, we are at times of political stress and so the mind thinks that way. I hold the view that if we need a comprehensive cure for that disease, then we must think of a regime change in Khartoum which I think we can manage given our ties with the SPLM-N and to solicit support form opposition parties may not be too difficult. Mr. President, May I remind you that the NCP is a cause of our souring relations with the Sudan. Yes I must say it is because the President of the Republic of Sudan, the Governor of Southern Kordofan and the Minister of Defense are all ICC indictees for crimes committed in relation to Darfur rebellion! Do we expect any good from this leadership having on it individuals who have records of criminal responsibility and who call us “mercenaries and Insects”? Of course not, Mr. President but I recommend your Excellency takes this as a long term comprehensive political solution. It is long term in the sense that we need to barter this idea with individual members of SPLM-N as well as unmentioned allies in the Republic of Sudan and get them on our side. We can better manage it with support from our allies but this is no time to think that way because there is a declared war on our state. So your Excellency may invest in this idea as a longer answer to the recurring political nuisance of the authoritarian regime in Khartoum!

I must apologise to your good office, Mr. President, in case I have erred in writing this letter but I am acting in my capacity as a patriotic citizen having the goodwill for our nation. May this letter give your Excellency the courage to face the current political surge with determination, confidence and motivation to invest in the democracy of our nation and to know that there are patriots who always think of this nation day and night.

Mr. President, allow me to say a big thank you for having read my letter as I have confidence in your administration as President of the Republic and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed forces.
 May God enrich your leadership with ideas necessary for the growth and flourishing of democracy and rule of law in our nation!
 God Bless South Sudan!
Kindly yours in patriotism,

 Magok Alier Akuot
The writer is a student of Law at Dr. John Garang Memorial University of Science and Technology, Jonglei State-Bor
He can be reached at Email: unclelouish@gmail.com

By Rev. Stephen M. Mou (Borglobe)

Jonglei state is one of the states with good number of educated youth and elders compare to the other states and at the same token, it’s the state that has high number of the Episcopal Church’s members in the South Sudan, but also has high level of confusion amongst ECS Dioceses. A disputed 2004 ECS election issues were not reconciled and Elijah Abuoi Arok did not return to ECS after deciding join different denomination soon after election’s dispute. On 13th April 2004, another seven South Sudanese senior priests saw irregularities in ECS election and they chose to join a newly established denomination in Sudan called Reformed Episcopal Church of the Sudan. Among the seven senior priests, at least three were the most senior priests from Jonglei, Rev. Philip Angony Chol, Rev. John Machar Thon, and Rev. Daniel Dau Deng.

On 14 May 2011, another election sent away at least five senior priests to Lutheran Church, Rev. William Ayor Wel, Rev. Jacob Ayuen Diing, Rev. David Chol Aguto, Paul Angang Manasseh Mac and Deniel Ayuen Manyok. There is no clear evidence if the election was rigged or not in favor of Bishop Akurdit Ngong, and alongside breaking away of senior priests there has been the issue of Kongoor being the favorite name for the new Diocese with high level of politicization of ethnicity.

The Episcopal Church of the Sudan’s historic growth is making a BIG U turn in Jonglei State Twic Areas from the recent debate of the names for their new Dioceses and election of candidates.  The history of ECS indicates that the first Episcopal Church in the Dinka territory was located at Malek in 1905 and the history continues moving its centers from town to towns.
 

e,g  the Diocese of Akot, the Diocese of Aweil,  the Diocese of Bor??? the Diocese of Chueibet,  the Diocese of El Obeid, the Diocese of Ezo, the Diocese of Ibba, the Diocese of Juba, the Diocese of Kadugli, the Diocese of Kajo-keji, the Diocese of Khartoum, the Diocese of Lainya, the Diocese of Lui, the Diocese of Malakal, the Diocese of Maridi, the Diocese of Mundri, the Diocese of Nzara, the Diocese of Pachong, the Diocese of Port Sudan, the Diocese of Rejaf, the Diocese of Renk, the Diocese of Rokon, the Diocese of Rumbek,  the Diocese of Terekeka, the Diocese of Torit, the Diocese of Wad Medani, the Diocese of Wau, the Diocese of Yambio, the Diocese of Yei, and the Diocese of Yirol.
However, the Jonglei state is the only area amongst South Sudan’s ten states that have come up with the clans’ names or sectional names for their new Dioceses than town names as above.  They began general by adopting “Twic East” a names for one of the counties in Jonglei state unfortunately the next diocese seem to adopt clans’ name “Kongoor” instead of Wangulei, Pawel, Wernyol or Panyagoor if at all there was no confusion behind the naming.  And I am scared that this issue of Clannish Dioceses will create more confusion than what the church intends to do.

I do question myself, aren’t Twics’ ECS members convincing themselves to adopt town names for their new Dioceses than clans’ or sectional names?  My question may sound strange but I am not against the name Kongoor for those who may think so but I am seeing the implications that might come with it in the future unless if we in the church care less about the future of our ECS church in Jonglei state.

The province of the Episcopal Church and its Bishops should have noticed this and avoid it before the confusion get rotten and burst. The Diocese must be located in town and name after town not clans’ names. There is no town known as Twic East or Kongoor in Jonglei and this is a big U turn in Jonglei and especially in Twic area where ECS and its members have twisted a new system that give them opportunity to adopting clans name for the Dioceses.

The province of the Episcopal Church of the Sudan has to take leading role by sending respected church leaders to Jonglei to listen to grievances on the ground; they must good listeners, non-partisan and well oriented in conflict resolution field. I would also suggest the amendments of the ECS constitution on Bishops’ election if there is article that is not clear. We need peace in the Church not personal interest and it’s high time for ECS to spot out the causes of
inconveniences.

Rev. Stephen M. Mou
University of Winnipeg Canada,
Student of Master degree program in Theology.

Stephen M. Mou
Senior Director and Founder
Community Care Organization
                 (CCO)
website: http://www.communitycaressd.org/
Tel: (+249) 955628461
Email: ccocare@gmail.com

South Sudan's independence last July was forged through years of hard-fought rebellion in the bush, so it seems fitting that the world's newest nation still keeps much of its history in a tent.

The weather-beaten brown tent in a roadside government compound in the capital Juba goes unnoticed by most passing drivers and pedestrians. Musty papers, files, books and photos, some honeycombed with termites, litter its stifling interior.

But this unassuming collection of paper, which would probably not qualify for a jumble sale in the West, holds part of the historical memory of Africa's most recent state, straddling the White Nile and its vast Sudd swamp.

Piled higgledy-piggledy on the grimy concrete floor and on old tables, or bursting out of sacks, the documents in the tent are a treasure trove of records dating back to the early 1900s, when Sudan and its remote South was under Anglo-Egyptian rule.

The collection of civil service files and official reports tracks the southern territory's history through unified Sudan's independence in 1956 and the years that followed which saw back-to- back civil wars fought by African rebels - now South Sudan's rulers - against governments in the largely Muslim North.

The papers, languishing under canvass for several years since a 2005 North-South peace deal, have survived fire, war and the elements. They are the core of what will be South Sudan's National Archives - that is, once they are rescued and housed in a new building promised as an independence gift by Norway.

"There is no nation without history," said Youssef Fulgensio Onyalla, 48, senior inspector for Museums and Monuments at South Sudan's Ministry of Culture and Heritage which is racing against time - and the termites - to recover and preserve the archives.

"Thank God, we are working to bring the archives alive," said Onyalla, who studied archeology at the Lebanese-American University in Beirut before returning to his home nation.

The National Archives form part of an ambitious project, still in its infancy, to endow the emerging nation with a panoply of cultural heritage institutions, including a National Museum, National Library, National Theatre and Cultural Centre.

These cultural aspirations may seem lofty, even unreal, in a newborn African nation of more than 8 million people that despite its oil resources is one of the least developed on earth, and where more than 70 percent of the population are illiterate.

But South Sudanese officials say forging a national identity out of a complex patchwork of more than 70 ethnic groups, some of them traditional historical foes, is as important a part of nation-building as constructing roads, schools and clinics.

"You can't strengthen a state without strengthening the minds and hearts of the people," Undersecretary for Culture Jok Madut Jok, one of the country's most respected intellectuals, told Reuters.

Liberation war

Forging this national consciousness is no small challenge in a nation where ethnic enmities over cattle, water and grazing rights, exacerbated through the centuries by slave-raiding and in recent decades by the brutal civil war, still trigger outbursts of bloodshed.

"It's something that will take a generation ... countries are not born, they are made," said Jok, who has a PhD in Anthropology from the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).

The need for a sense of nationhood has become all the more urgent as South Sudan's guerrilla commander-turned-statesman President Salva Kiir urges its citizens to brace for continuing hardships in the face of persisting military and economic confrontation with northern neighbour Sudan.

Patriotism runs high among ordinary people in Juba and South Sudan's independence from Sudan last year, the result of the liberation struggle fought since 1963 that killed more than 2 million people, is a powerful agglutinant of national identity.

"The challenge is to transition to being a member of a nation state, rather than a citizen of an ethnic group. Most people are loyal to their ethnic ties," Jok said.

Juba abounds with Kenyans, Ugandans and citizens from other neighbouring states but most locals, when asked where they come from, proudly respond "I am South Sudanese". Many would struggle to sing the new national anthem, whose words are in English, however.

References to the spilled blood of the nation's "war martyrs" are a staple of major speeches and the bearded image of independence hero Dr. John Garang, a Dinka warrior and U.S.-trained founder of the ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), peers down from the walls of most government offices.

His face also adorns the new South Sudanese banknotes.

"What binds South Sudan together is that they gained independence, but there was something here before, and there will be something after," said Elke Selter, a culture programme specialist working for UNESCO South Sudan.

Salah Khaled, the head of South Sudan's UNESCO office, believes that tapping into common cultural traditions, for example funerals and marriages, and oral histories is one way of seeking common traits and customs among the country's diverse peoples.

"We need to find the common denominator between them," Khaled said.

As a way of creating a collective identity, Jok has devised the idea of a travelling cultural exhibit of artifacts like cooking and farm utensils, weapons and musical instruments.

This will traverse the nation, picking up new items and at the same time showcasing South Sudan's great variety of ethnic groups - the Dinka, Merle, Nuer, Bari and others.

"It's the embryo of the national museum ... You put them all together and say 'this is what they are used for'... People will see the commonality, but also the diversity," Jok said.

Colonial bureaucracy

In the strength-sapping heat of the archives tent, even a cursory inspection shows the wealth of historical record it contains - a gold mine of potential knowledge for historians, researchers, students and, one day, tourists.

In English and Arabic, set down in neat but florid handwriting or typewritten, the files reveal the minutiae of Sudan's colonial and post-1956 independence bureacracy in the South, including budgets, personnel and official reports on topics from maps and minerals to land and tribal disputes.

Colonial era correspondence on yellowed paper from 1935 requests a meeting to discuss "matters affecting the Madi fishing in Sudan waters", an example of tribal issues that local district commissioners were often called upon to deal with.

A large amount of documents in the tent refer to the 1970s, a period when South Sudan was governed by a High Executive Council during the rule in Khartoum of President Jaafar Nimeiri.

A dusty painted portrait of Nimeiri in military uniform is propped up against a table in the middle of the tent.

Faded official black and white photographs strewn about show visiting royalty, including the late Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie and Britain's Princess Anne.

In one corner stand grime-covered shields of the Nuer tribe, native spears and a basket of the Bari people.

South Sudan has approached Sudan requesting the repatriation of archives and documents pertaining to its history.

But some are sensitive, for example security files on the Sudanese army's operations in the South during the long years of civil war, or maps or treatises on oil or mineral deposits, which could become vital evidence in the South's ongoing disputes with the North over where the border is and who owns the oil.

Rummaging among the papers, journalists find what appears to be a 1957 map that covers the now disputed border area in a file riddled with termite holes and encrusted with the burrowing insects' earthy secretions. Onyalla carries it away for study.

His team has begun the task of moving files from the tent to more hospitable premises in Juba, cataloguing and storing them.

One third of the archives have already been transferred in an initiative backed byNorway and the United States. The U.S. embassy provided funds to supply protective cardboard archive files and electronic scanners to copy documents.

But there is an urgent need for more money.

UNESCO's South Sudan office, which is also helping the new country tackle its enormous educational deficit, is drawing up a cultural strategy that can be presented to donors.

But it is a tough sell at a time when aid budgets are being pared back and South Sudan's government needs to pay for infrastructure, health, education and defense.

"In a country where everything is a priority now, how can arts and culture compete with the construction of a school or a clinic?" South Sudan's cultural champion Jok says ruefully. - Reuters
 

“An estimated $4 billion are unaccounted for or, simply put, stolen by current and former officials, as well as corrupt individuals with close ties to government officials. Most of these funds have been taken out of the country and deposited in foreign accounts. Some have purchased properties; often paid in cash…We fought for freedom, justice and equality. Many of our friends died to achieve these objectives. Yet, once we got into power, we forgot what we fought for and began to enrich ourselves at the expense of our people.” By President Kiir

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA, Planet Earth

South Sudan is screwed up! The contents and wordings of the recently released Presidential letter that scandalously alleged that “an estimated $4 billion [are] stolen by current and former [government] officials, as well as [by] corrupt individuals with close ties” to the government of the Republic of South Sudan is, at best, a resounding confirmation of the obvious and, at worst, a flagrant betrayal of nation’s expectation in post-independence era. The letter is a somber reminder of and unsettling testimony to the extent and magnitude to which the current Juba-based SPLM/A has betrayed and abandoned the exceptional aspirations, noble dreams and great vision of the former bush-based SPLM/A.

In that infamous letter of 03 May 2012, President Kiir, the author, squarely admits that “the people of South Sudan and the International Community are alarmed by the [unprecedented] level of corruption in South Sudan.” President Kiir goes on to claim that corruption has no place in his government; acknowledges that many people are suffering in South Sudan, and “yet some government officials simply care [more] about themselves.” Finally, he concedes that the credibility of his government “is on the line” should the present-day corruption spree goes on unchecked. Perusing the letter, South Sudanese may wonder: so what has the Good President, who reigns by decrees, done to stem the vicious cycle of rampant corruption within his government and under his watchful eyes? Well, according to the letter, the Good President has, over the past several months, decreed “a number of measures to put in place a mechanism to battle corruption and also to recover stolen government funds by current and former South Sudan officials.” What is so interesting here though is that these "measures" were crafted just "past several months" and only after over $4 billion has been lost. With no more oil revenues to protect, of what use are the measures and mechanisms deployed after the storm over the past seven years?

In pursuant to that goal, the president has ostensibly appointed a new Chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission; sent out eight letters to heads of states in Africa, the United States, Middle East, and Europe seeking assistance in the recovery of stolen funds by current and former South Sudanese officials; issued several Presidential Decrees to strengthen transparency and tackle corruption; sent out letters to over seventy five former and current senior government officials in an effort to recover stolen funds; sent out over 5,000 Declaration of Assets forms to former and current government officials; received a report from 1,600 respondents on the Declaration of Assets from the Anti-Corruption Commission of which an estimated $60 million was recovered from various sources from fraudulent transactions and misappropriation of funds by government institutions; opened a bank account in Kenya so that stolen funds can be returned to this account and, most importantly, “multiple investigations have been underway since January 2012 in an effort to recover stolen funds.”

While the current effort by the government, and President Kiir’s new-found courage, to tackle officialized corruption head-on is highly welcomed, with South Sudanese people strongly believing that it is better to be late than never; it is still far from clear if President Kiir is ready, willing and able to go after his wartime buddies and peacetime cronyists. On the one hand, the President appears to be assertive and threatening enough to have his way and will with his former and current corrupt senior government officials: “the government will continue its investigation of stolen funds and will hold accountable those officials and individuals who have stolen government funds and refused to return these funds.” On the other hand, just when you are about to get convinced that the end is near and here, the president, within the same breath of air, timidly and beggingly announces, to the annoyance of all proud South Sudanese people, that: “I am writing to encourage you to return these stolen funds (full or partial) to this account. If funds are returned, the government of the Republic of South Sudan will grant amnesty and will keep your name confidential. I and only one other official will have access to this information.”

The haunting question from the lips of all South Sudanese is why on earth a Mighty President would beg thieves, scammers, plunderers and suckers to return stolen public assets? For the record, President Kiir is not a weakling and nor is he bound by any bureaucratic checks and balances of a democratic system like the US president. He rules the country through Presidential Decrees; he securely passed a national constitution with no presidential term limits and he jails journalists, who have unwittingly crossed his path, with little regard to the rule of law. The SPLM, the rebel-turned ruling party he leads, has an absolute majority in parliament for the president to rubber-stamp any law he wishes. Furthermore, President Kiir has an iron-grip on the South Sudan army, the SPLA. President Kiir too is, just for the lack of any credible opposition party, generally backed by the majority of South Sudanese public: he got over 90% of the vote during the last election year and is likely to maintain more or less the same popularity in the next one. He is a leader unto himself, enjoying so much leeway and power that would make President Obama envious of him. That is what prompted one South Sudanese commentator to wonder out loud: "does the power have the power to collect the stolen funds?" Only President Kiir can also that solemn question.

South Sudan is screwed up because all indications point to the fact that President Kiir is powerful enough to deal with the corrupt government officials with a stroke of a pen or an utterance of a single word, and yet he has not done so, so far. Why is he bashfully begging the thieves who brazenly ransacked South Sudan national coffers to honorably return the spoils? Because the President could be one of them in that they are all involved in the plundering of government funds; because he is not involved but those guys are his dear close friends or political cronyists; because he is doing this for a show and therefore there is absolutely no need to get serious with your buddies; because he runs the risk of getting exposed himself should he clamp down hard on the bad boys/girls of his government who might have acted within his full knowledge if not downright endorsement; because the President has not set a good record by returning his own ill-gotten wealth to demonstrate his new-found disgust with the official corruption that has cost South Sudan over $4 billion dollars and counting or simply because he is actually powerless to take on the moneyed and tribal chieftains of his corrupt government. Most South Sudanese, however, would rather argue that it is because the President has no moral standing to face his equally morally bankrupt colleagues to arm-twist them into returning their booties.

South Sudan is screwed up because the President entrusted with the protection and promotion of South Sudanese national welfare and aspiration is either soundly sleeping on the job or an accomplice or just unable or unwilling to effect his constitutional mandate. If the President can’t do his assigned job, one that he is getting paid for, who will? If the President is unwilling or unable or unready, who is? If the president is powerless before the plunderers, who is not? South Sudan is also screwed up because the proverbial liberators have shamelessly turned into broad daylight robbers and looters. Among other things, the SPLM/A fought against Fassad, Rashwah and Wasta, not because those vices were being practiced and propagated by Khartoum at the expense of the marginalized people but, more so, because the practices are immoral and economically debilitating in and of themselves. For the SPLM/A leaders and ranks to have distinguished themselves in the bush as sworn enemies to and destroyers of Fassad, Rashwah and Wasta only for them to turn around when in power to become the undisputed guardian of Fassad, Rashwah and Wasta is a betrayal of the highest order of the objectives, aspirations and vision of the SPLM/A.

Without a doubt, South Sudanese people do definitely feel the pain in the voice of the President when he utters the following moving words: “We fought for freedom, justice and equality. Many of our friends died to achieve these objectives. Yet, once we got into power, we forgot what we fought for and began to enrich ourselves at the expense of our people.” Still, as they say, action speaks louder than words. By his own admission, not that anyone needed it to arrive at that same conclusion, the embezzlement and misappropriation of government funds were committed by former and current senior government officials plus their little monsters. If that is the case, assuming that the President is clean and determined, who and what is preventing him from decreeing that all “former and current South Sudan government officials, as well as corrupt individuals with close ties to government officials” must, with immediate effect, resign from the government of the Republic of South Sudan and they must never be appointed to serve in the government because they have spectacularly succeeded to bring the country on its knees. The President does not need to send out letters to foreign governments because he knows exactly who has stolen what. Nor does he need to dole out Declaration of Assets forms because no thief in his/her right mind would divulge his ill-gotten wealth. Who is the President kidding here: the citizens or the daring thieves?

Debatably, the Anti-Corruption Czar is either part of the racketeers wreaking havoc on South Sudan or he is too powerless and clueless to do anything about the vice—in that case, his/her salary should be put to better use. Does the President really need a report from the Anti-Corruption Commission to act on the missing $4 billion? What is the definition of a national economic disaster befitting national emergence mood and action? Above all, instead of coaxing and hiding the names of the scammers from the public, the president should reveal from whom the $60 million was recovered from. Placing their egregious names in public view is called deterrence. The damning outrage they would receive from the public would act to deter future would-be public plunderers. Economic amnesty is a perfect recipe for and a categorical endorsement of an unabated continuation of the endemic corruption. There is no reason as to why anyone would care to stop partaking in corrupt dealings if there is no punishment or public shaming? There is no cost to it; it is a free profitable ride, all the way to the bank. With no persecution of wrongdoers, how could anyone, say investors, take South Sudan government seriously about investing or helping the nation? Isn’t it clear now why no country is willing to fund the construction of the South Sudan oil pipeline to the Kenyan port of Lamu? A country that pleads with her looters to regain its rightful national assets has no credibility to be taken earnestly by anyone.

South Sudan is screwed up because the man who is tasked with keeping the government on its toe is currently co-habiting with the NCP in Khartoum. Dr. Lam Akol, South Sudan official opposition leader of SPLM-DC, has strangely found a paradise in a country that is mercilessly killing and forcefully deporting South Sudanese en masse. Why is Dr. Lam Akol living in Khartoum especially when the two countries are practically at war and particularly when he is needed most in Juba to discharge his vigilantic duties of keeping an eye on the government on behalf of South Sudanese people? The opposition party leader, who is the national leader in the waiting, should not be seen to be pandering to the enemies of South Sudan without losing his credibility in the eyes of the public that he is aspiring to lead. Dr. Lam should be in Juba holding the government accountable for the loss of $4 billion. By taking up on the issue of the day that matter, Dr. Lam could lastly gain a platform upon which he could hope to endear himself to the people of South Sudan in readiness to the forthcoming election. Even if he could be shedding crocodile tears, no one would fault his opportunistic patriotism because it would be anchored on the fact that the current government is corrupt and SPLM-DC may be a better alternative. Instead, his presence in Khartoum when he is needed most in Juba will only go to reinforce the prevailing perception that he is a prodigal son who keeps on rebounding back to his old traitorous ways without ever learning from his sinful past. Who has bewitched this academically bright son of South Sudan?

South Sudan is screwed up because nothing good will ever come out of the resumed Addis Ababa talks. As of now, given South Sudan's inflation rate of over 80%; given the drying up of South Sudan's national reserves that may not last for the next five months; given the realization that the highly publicized construction of South Sudan oil pipeline to the Kenyan coastal town of Lamu has turned out to be just nothing more than a pipe dream; given the intensification of deadly border conflicts and bombing of South Sudan undisputed territories by Khartoum amid deafening silent from the International Community  that came out, tooth and nail, not long ago to unequivocally condemn South Sudan over the capturing of Panthou/Heglig, and particularly, given South Sudan's utter failure to secure any substantial amount of financial aids or loan from any country, including China and the US, it is just highly likely that the South Sudanese delegation headed by Pagan Amum to the Addis Ababa talk will soon buckle and give in to political, economic and military pressure and sign unfavorable agreement just to save the government from economic collapse. In that case, it is possible that they may agree to the $30-35 per barrel transport fees demanded by Khartoum. Alternatively, it could come down to the range of $15-25 per barrel transport fees, which is still, by all international precedents, a daytime robbery.

Most likely, given their habitual stubbornness and the present vulnerability of South Sudan, Khartoum may demand a specified contractual time, say 99 years or so, throughout which South Sudan would be legally and internationally bound to continually export her oil through Sudan, with or without any alternative pipeline build by South Sudan in the future, failure to which Khartoum would be eligible to financial compensations from Juba. Just imagine your two-year contract with Verizon Wireless, for South Sudanese Americans, for example. The most distressing part is that South Sudan has no friends out there to help it either because it is corrupt---and it is---or because it has no effective diplomatic corps to polish and promote the country internationally. The Panthou/Heglig crisis should have been a wake up call if Juba was serious to remedy its weakest points. The only country that came to the defense was Uganda, of all countries. It is hope that things might be different once ambassadors are posted, assuming that there is a budget to do just that. Given any amount of transport fees agreed at eventually in Addis Ababa, Khartoum will use the money to buy advanced weapons to fight South Sudan and the marginalized people of the Sudan in Darfur, Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile; purchase more bombs to bomb South Sudanese towns; will continue to siphon off and steal South Sudan's oil and could easily, and with no second thought, renege on the agreement knowing very well that South Sudan has nowhere else to resort to and can't afford to shut down oil production again.

South Sudan is screwed up because the SPLM/A as the ruling party, the government of South Sudan, President Kiir as the only surviving founder of the Movement, and Dr. Lam Akol as the official opposition leader, have all betrayed the nation’s expectation that illuminated and invigorated South Sudan’s independence. South Sudan’s independence was welcomed with a great relief at the end of the war, of death, of suffering, of oppression and servitude; it was greeted with bubbling expectations of a brighter tomorrow, of freedom and liberty, of economic prosperity and self-reliance, and above all, of a better accountable and transparent government of, for and by the people of the Republic of South Sudan. Instead, the past has endured and is rapidly expanding; the opposite is true. Although it is optimistically true that “there is still time to take critical decisions of saving our country from the crisis we currently face and to help the millions who are in desperate need of assistance in health care and education” President Kiir must realize that the number of specific measures taken by the Government of the Republic of South Sudan “to tackle official corruption and institute mechanisms to help prevent corruption and strengthen transparency and accountability” are not adequate nor effective.

President Kiir should set the record straight by turning in some of the money he has gotten illegally—yes, no one would ever believe him if he fancies or insists that he is Mr. Clean and his officials are Mr./Mrs. Dirtiest. The dog only barks or acts the language of the master. President Kiir should consult President Paul Kagame of Rwanda; he has had experiences disciplining his wartime buddies and peacetime cronyists. Though he is still a dictator, at least he is an enlightened one. For President Kagame, losing over $4 billion within his government, if it were to happen, would be perceived as a threat to his hard-earned and guardedly kept presidency, unlike President Kiir who saw it as a letter-writing soap-opera.

Ultimately, President Kiir must make a decision: part ways with his corrupt officials and bring in new clean ones or deal with them decisively but still keep them for the sake of stability or do nothing and be prepared to sink with them when destiny come calling! It came this week for Pharaoh Mubarak of Egypt!! Like President Kiir, Hosni Mubarak was a war-decorated hero among his people and yet, that was not enough to save him from the inevitable call of destiny! Surely, those who don’t learn from history are doomed to repeat it!! Will President Kiir learn from history or will he be condemned to repeat it? You bet!

PaanLuel Wël (paanluel2011) is the Managing Editor of PaanLuel Wël: South Sudanese Bloggers. He can be reached through his Facebook page, Twitter account or on the blog: http://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com/

IN THE NUBA MOUNTAINS, Sudan – I’d like to introduce a valiant woman here, Mariam Tia, to President Barack Obama and other world leaders, so she could explain how they’re allowing Sudan’s leaders to get away with mass atrocities that echo Darfur.   Once again, in Sudan there are starving children, tens of thousands of refugees, rapes and racial epithets, a spiraling death toll and passivity in the White House.
Mariam was pregnant when the Sudanese Army invaded her village here in the rebel-held Nuba Mountains and shot her husband dead. Enraged, she took over a mounted machine gun set up by rebels and began to rake the soldiers as they burned the village’s huts.
Mariam said she isn’t sure whether she actually shot any soldiers and that soon they began firing back, so she had to run for her life. She eventually relocated to a dank mountain cave, where – like countless other Nubans – she felt a bit safer from random bombings by government warplanes. When her due date came, two months ago, Mariam delivered her baby by herself inside the cave.
She named her baby girl Fakao, which is shorthand for: bombs are dropping. When people hear Antonov bombers releasing their payloads, they shout “Fakao! Fakao!” That’s the signal to huddle behind rocks and hope for the best.
“When this child was in my stomach, I used to run from the bombers,” Mariam told me as she nursed Fakao in front of her cave. “I named her this so that I could remember the struggle we went through to give her life.
“If I ever see the enemy again,” she added, “I will tie this baby to my back and pick up a gun and fight them.”
World leaders could use some of that backbone. Instead, they have said little and done almost nothing as President Omar Hassan al-Bashir has – for a year now – undertaken daily bombings in the Nuba Mountains and the neighboring Blue Nile region, blocked food from entering, expelled aid groups and tried to bar witnesses. I entered illegally on a dirt track from South Sudan, and I found that hundreds of thousands of people in the Nuba Mountains have run out of food and are surviving on leaves, wild roots and insects.
As I travel about here, I find the contrasts heartbreaking. One is the gulf of technology between government forces and their civilian victims: I interview impoverished families huddling in caves and eating leaves and bugs, and our conversations are interrupted by Sudanese MiG or Antonov bombers overhead. Sudan mostly drops anti-personnel bombs full of shrapnel, but it occasionally drops cluster bombs.
One woman, Hasia al-Ahmar, told me that her mother had starved to death and then the government dropped a bomb that landed directly on the family’s grass-roof mud hut, with her sister inside.
“We could just pick up little pieces of her and put them in a plastic bag,” she said. “And then we buried the bag.”
The collision between a 21st-century bomb and a village woman in a traditional mud hut – that pretty much captures the horror of what is unfolding now in the Nuba Mountains. The same bombings and starvation also seem to be occurring next door in the Blue Nile region, forcing tens of thousands to flee to South Sudan.
Another contrast is between the timidity and fecklessness of world leaders, and the courage and grit of the Nuba people themselves. Take Hamat Dorbet, a 39-year-old evangelical Presbyterian pastor.
In an anti-Christian campaign a dozen years ago in this Muslim-dominated country, the authorities began arresting Hamat for ringing his church bell and preaching to his congregation. They would arrest him each Sunday, according to his account and that of neighbors, and then beat and torture him for a few days.
Each Sunday, after a few days of recovery, Hamat would struggle back to the church, ring the bell and begin another service. Then police officers would come and drag him out for more torture. Once they shot him, and he almost died. A month after that, when he could move again, he roused himself out of bed one Sunday morning, limped to the church and boldly rang the bell to deliver another service.
A peace accord shortly afterward stopped the persecution and, perhaps, saved his life. But these days, Hamat is again struggling to stay alive. Like most of his church members, he has nothing to eat but leaves, roots and insects, and he is fading. And, of course, this is a government-designed famine: In Sudan, “to starve” is a transitive verb.
Hamat is not asking for help, and he’s not feeling sorry for himself. I’d like to explain to him why the world lets this happen without even speaking out strongly, and I just don’t know what to say. President Obama?

Nicholas Kristof, a columnist for The New York Times, can be reached at 630 Eighth Ave., New York, NY 10018.

“I did not say the money was stolen neither I did say $4Bn has been stolen. I said the money has been lost somewhere and someone has to account for it. I have written to 75 former and present gov’t officials. This does not mean that these 75 officials are suspects but they have the responsibility. I will still write to some officials whom I had written to them and now claimed to have not received any letter from my office. I will again write to some more officials whom I did not write to them earlier.” (President Kiir, May 13th, 2012)

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA, Planet Earth

The combined forces of determined impunity and endemic corruption are striking back and the once-daring and -forthright President Salva Kiir is beating a hasty retreat on his not-long-ago promise to the South Sudanese people to slay the dragon and to recover the stolen $4 Billion of South Sudan’s national assets. For anyone out there who cares to connect the dots on this war on permeating corruption and entrenched impunity, it looks like there is a Panthou-Part-Two in the making. Remember how President Kiir promised heaven and hell to remain in Panthou/Heglig, comes rain comes sunshine, only for him later to unilaterally withdraw South Sudanese troops without any conditions?

On April 10, 2012, South Sudan Army—the SPLA—captured the disputed, oil-rich town of Panthou/Heglig from Khartoum. While history will record July 9th as South Sudan Independence Day, April 10th, in the minds and spirits of all South Sudanese, was the day that South Sudan truly became an independent state. Two days later, April 12th, President Kiir issued one of his memorable statements that endeared him to and galvanized his support among the South Sudanese citizens as the young nation faced off with Khartoum over Panthou/Heglig’s crisis and contended with unprecedented condemnations from the International community:

“Last night I never slept because of the telephone calls…those who have been calling me — starting with the U.N. Secretary-General, yesterday — he gave me an order that I’m ordering you to immediately withdraw from Heglig. I said I’m not under your command…I told him you do not need to order me because I am not under your command. I am a head of state accountable to my people and do not have to be ordered by someone I do not fall under his direct command. I will not withdraw the troops [from Panthou/Heglig]…we withdrew from Abyei. Bashir occupied Abyei and is still there up to today…I told the UN Secretary-General that if you are not moving out with this force of Bashir, we are going to reconsider our position and we are going back to Abyei.” President kiir Mayardit to the UN Chief, Bank Ki Moon, April 12th, 2012)

The statement was magical. That was not Salva Kiir the South Sudanese people knew during the war or within the seven years of the transitional period after the CPA. Salva kiir was known as a quiet, dedicated gentleman with a lot of humility, always keen on avoiding high stake controversies unlike the late SPLM/A charismatic leader, Dr. John Garang, who throve in and was adept at turning high stake controversies into his advantages and lethal weapons against Khartoum. With Joshua (Kiir’s nickname) rallying South Sudanese against the combined onslaughts from the belligerent Khartoum and the largely clueless International Community, South Sudanese people, for the first time since independence, found a cause to shed off their internal divisions and a rally cry to present a united front as one, tribe-less nation.

So strong was the backing President Kiir garnered from the citizens that he threatened “to send SPLA to Abyei if the African Union does not pressure Sudan to withdraw its forces from Abyei, a disputed region between Sudan and South Sudan.” But this was not to be because barely two weeks later, the President caved in to intense pressure from the International Community and unilaterally withdrew the SPLA from Panthou/Heglig. South Sudanese people, left high and dry on the altar of lost and found patriotism, were outraged and dumbfounded. Didn’t the President categorically and publicly declare that he was not under the direct command of anybody but the South Sudanese people themselves, they wondered out loud?

As far as President Kiir’s declared war on corruption is concerned, there is an eerily striking reminiscent of what happened in Panthou. Call it Panthou-Part-Two in the making. On March 3rd, 2012, President Kiir, out of his own volition, baffled the world—but only vindicated South Sudanese who have all along been acutely aware of and been consistently decrying the mounting level of corruption in Juba—when he finally publicly admitted that:

“An estimated $4 billion are unaccounted for, or simply put, stolen by current and former South Sudan officials as corrupt individuals with close ties to government officials. Most of these have been taken out of the country and deposit in foreign accounts. Some have purchased properties; often paid in cash…the people of South Sudan and the International Community are alarmed by the level of corruption in South Sudan. Many people in South Sudan are suffering, and yet some government officials simply care about themselves. The credibility of our government is on the line…we fought for freedom, justice and equality. Many of our friends died to achieve these objectives. Yet, once we got to power, we forgot what we fought for and began to enrich ourselves at the expense of our people…I am writing to encourage you to return these stolen funds (full or partial) to this account. If funds are returned, the government of the Republic of South Sudan will grant amnesty and will keep your name confidential. I and only one other official will have access to this information.” (President Kiir in an official letter to 75 former and current senior government officials, May 3rd, 2012)

And just like at the dawn of the Panthou/Heglig’s debacle, South Sudanese citizens, who have heroically bore the burden of state-sponsored and –condoned corruption, came out in support of President Kiir’s bold admission of the alarming rate and the pervasiveness of official corruption. Though it was obviously clear to all South Sudanese that the government was utterly corrupt, no one had imagined it to be to the tune of over $4 billion or that over 75 senior government officials were perpetuating it. Because the numbers involved and the magnitude of official corruption were beyond anyone’s wildest dream, President Kiir’s courageous disclosure of the facts was unanimously welcomed and his wholehearted promise to track down and recover the stolen funds was highly appreciated by South Sudanese people.

On June 5th, 2012, South Sudan’s human rights advocacy group—the South Sudan Human Rights Society for Advocacy (SSHURSA)—released a press statement in which they applauded President Kiir’s letter to suspected South Sudanese corrupt officials. Not to be left behind in the holy crusade against national demon, South Sudan’s national assembly, on June 12th, 2012, following a majority vote by members of parliament, called for a suspension of the 75 Government officials identified by the president to have stolen public funds. To complicate the matters further for the 75 corrupt government officials to whom the letters were sent by the president, two former cabinet members, Dr. Lual Achuek who previously headed the Oil Ministry and Madam Awut Deng, an ex-minister of Labor, have come forward admitting that they are indeed part of the alleged 75 corruption mafia and have actually received the letters from the president, urging them to return their booties.

As expected, the two ex-ministers have emphatically denied the allegation of having stolen anything from anybody at any time in their entire lives. Interestingly, they are now calling upon—rather daring—their colleagues to assertively come forward and declare if they have received the letters and if they have stolen the funds as purportedly claim by the president. So far, especially among the currently serving government officials, none has dared to stake his/her neck out to state if they have been written to and what they think of the allegation. By all indications, they want South Sudanese to believe that the alleged 75 corrupt officials are in Khartoum, not Juba. This is the school of thought that Dr. Marial Benjamin, South Sudanese Information Minister, represented on his recent appearance on Aljazeera TV in the wake of President Kiir’s revelatory letter.

Actually, President Kiir is caught between two groups of South Sudanese. The first group is the Comrades in Armed Patriots (the C-in-A). The C-in-A Patriots comprises the vast majority of the veteran SPLA soldiers who are suffering like the rest of South Sudanese; the vast majority of the ordinary South Sudanese that have gained nothing but miseries and disillusionments from the independence of South Sudan, and the few honest and hard-working government officials, Governor Bakasoro of Western Equatoria and the SPLA commanders at the border-frontlines—for instance, who have abstained from the corruption spree to deliver on their promises to the masses. The second group, on the other hand, is the Comrades-in-Crime/Corruption Syndicates (the C-in-C). The C-in-C Syndicates includes, among others, the alleged 75 corrupt mafia who has successfully made away with over $4 billion from South Sudan public money. Dr. Marial Benjamin, by contradicting President Kiir’s crystal clear letter, is their spokesperson. Like Khartoum and the International Community during the Panthou/Heglig crisis, the C-in-C Mafia are determined to ensure the failure of South Sudan to protect and safeguard her interest, be they territorial, political or economic ones.

Unfortunately, the C-in-C mafia is succeeding! Whereas the president was categorically clear in his March 3rd letter to the C-in-C syndicates about the nature of corruption and the identities of those implicated in it, you would mistake him for Dr. Marial Benjamin on Aljazeera if you have read his May 13th, 2012 latest statement on the war on corruption:

“I did not say the money was stolen neither I did say $4Bn has been stolen. I said the money has been lost somewhere and someone has to account for it. I have written to 75 former and present gov’t officials. This does not mean that these 75 officials are suspects but they have the responsibility. I will still write to some officials whom I had written to them and now claimed to have not received any letter from my office. I will again write to some more officials whom I did not write to them earlier.” (President Kiir, May 13th, 2012)

President Kiir of March 3rd, 2012 declared that “an estimated $4 billion are unaccounted for, or simply put, stolen by current and former South Sudan officials as corrupt individuals with close ties to government officials.” In May, he is now claiming that he was quoted out of context because “I did not say the money was stolen neither I did say $4Bn has been stolen. I said the money has been lost somewhere and someone has to account for it.” What in the world is the President talking about? Does he listen to his own sound bites? Moreover, President Kiir had earlier stated that ‘some [former and current
government officials] have purchased properties; often paid in cash.” He had written 75 letters to these government officials, requesting them to “return these stolen funds (full or partial).” If indeed those 75 former and present government officials are/were not suspects, how could the President have written to and “encourage” them to “return these stolen funds (full or partial)?” Won’t that be a defamatory civil case?

One more time, just like during the Panthou/Heglig’s crisis, South Sudanese people are wondering out aloud: didn’t the President unreservedly and publicly declared that he has already identified and written to “75 former and current government officials” in a bid to recover the stolen public money and would be relentless in his fight to stop and eradicate corruption in South Sudan, once and for all? What has gotten over him? How could he have come out to expose the corruption malaise only to beat a hasty retreat within a few days? The answer is simple: he is coming under extreme pressure to “relax and take things easy” from the C-in-C mafia or else they would expose him as one of their own kith and kin who have, apparently, gone mad to wreak havoc on the “family house” from within, hardly aware that it would all come down, crumbling upon himself.

It is not that hard to picture the mess President Kiir has enmeshed himself in. First and foremost, by calling out the 75 corrupt officials, President Kiir is striving to differentiate and distance himself from the corrupt government he is leading. President Kiir is trying to reclaim the SPLM/A liberation mantle and of the promise of the Land of Canaan, flowing with milk and honey. He is trying to live up to the high expectation ushered in by the independence of South Sudan on July 9th, 2011. For the president to succeed though, he has to erect the devil and place the blame upon him. This has to be done before the son of man must sit on the high right hand of God, in readiness to be showered with somber praises and unadulterated admirations from the South Sudanese populace. The only problem with that strategy is that the devil, as always, is legendary wiser than mortals could dare to admit or realize. It will not be walking in the park for the President to fight corruption effectively and still remain clean and free especially when he has been the head-boy of this gang of alleged thieves.

Most notably, the demons bedeviling South Sudan’s economy are just but followers. Someone, wittingly or otherwise, gave them the green light, over many times, to engage in corruption. Someone somewhere, to borrow President Kiir’s ambiguity, had led them into corruption and must likewise lead them out of corruption. Put simply, President Kiir’s phraseology again, no one among the 75 government officials would willingly and freely come forward, admit of his/her crime and voluntarily return “full or partial” stolen money. Why would anyone do it if the President has not returned his supposedly stolen wealth? Why would you bother to admit to a crime that is presently being committed or return the money that would get stolen again? If the President is tired of corruption and is now serious and ready to deal with the scandal, he must set an example by being the first to receive his own handwritten letter, first to admit to the crime and first to publicly return his ill-gotten assets. Who among the ministers and the 75 government officials would refuse to toe the line if the President himself has accepted to carry his own cross to the Golgotha?

However, President Kiir is not going to do that anytime soon, never any time to be precise. President Kiir would not do so for the real fear that he would be called upon to account for his own crimes. He would be called upon to persecute the thieves and that would not be easy considering that he would be persecuting himself. The constitution is clear; all thieves belong behind bars. Besides, which President has ever voluntarily done such a thing and still remains as head of state? Is President Kiir ready to voluntarily step down? Absolutely not; he is there to stay put. Secondly, the alleged 75 government officials represent who-is-who in South Sudan tribal politics. There is no way anyone—not even President Kiir—can fire, persecute or jail those 75 guys and ladies and still have the country in peace and harmony. The cry of our-community-is-being-finished-or-being-singled-out-and-targeted will suffocate the nation. Civil war might ensue and Somalia-on-steroid might get born out of the current failed—but not yet collapse—Republic of South Sudan.

Thirdly, some corrupt officials would even be adamant that their conscience is clear in spite of what they have done. This point is well dramatized by one South Sudanese commentator, Mr. Philo of the SPLM-Diaspora Forum—an online forum where government critics regurgitate their unreasonable grievances with and imagined frustrations over the Government of the Republic of South Sudan, and wherein government supporters recite their undying love for and naked admirations of President Kiir in the hope of being spotted for a big, luxurious government’s position:

Following the scandalous episodes in the country, several suspected persons were brought before the high court for conviction trial. Judge Malongdit, wearing a red court robe, opens the court and began interrogating each one of them.

Judge Malongdit: Why did you do what you did?

33rd Person: Your Honor, they never paid my salary for 3 months, so I took what they owed me.

40th Person: Mr. Justice, having what I want is more important than being honest and save my business

45th Person: Lord Justice, I have 10 wives, 50 children, and 215 close relatives, where do I feed them?

57th Person: Lord Justice, everyone is doing it, why not me?

Judge Malongdit: (turning to a young lady, seated composed behind the court bench), what about you young lady what reasons do you have?

Young Lady, 69th Person: Your Honor, my husband is a problem! He accumulates debts and debts, never pays them, coming home late drunk and children in school!

70th Person: Your Honor, I was not paid during the war.

72nd Person: Your Honor Judge, they want to retire me without retirement arrangement, so I took my share of retirement.

73rd Person: Judge, I was just trying to beat the system, to see if they can discover it.

Assumed that the president is clean and free of corruption, it is still practically impossible for him to deal accordingly with his wartime comrades and peacetime buddies. It is partly due to the tribal nature of South Sudanese politics and partly due to the closeness of the top government officials—these are people who struggled, survived war and death together. It is just implausible that President Kiir would go after them with the same zealousness with which they have bankrupted South Sudan’s national coffers. While the war of empty words and rhetoric may intensify in the coming days, weeks, months and years, don’t hold your breath waiting for public persecution of any of the 75 public officials. It might happen that South Sudanese may never know of their exact identities.

But wait a minute; is this not the kind of “analyses” that was recently dismissed by Deng Arok Thon—the son of the Late Arok Thon Arok—as being a patronizing and too-knowing “views” usually espouse by the too-distant, too-arrogant and too-clueless South Sudanese in the Diaspora who should better leave South Sudan to South Sudanese and rather concentrate on their adoptive countries?

You in the Diaspora always seem to “know it all” and have so much to say: giving your “thoughts, analyses, theories, solution, views and resolutions.” Pay more attention to being productive citizens in your adoptive countries. I have nothing against any of you in the diaspora personally, but it’s the sense of patronism and Mr. Know- it- all-I-have-come-to-save-you-from-yourselves attitude many people in the Diaspora always seem to have. (Deng Arok Thon via Facebook May 12th, 2012).

South Sudanese people would pass the verdict themselves. The war on corruption knows no international borders; corruption is a disease against humanity! It was in that humanistic spirit that President Kiir thought it prudent to seek help from other heads of state by writing letters to them seeking the return of stolen South Sudan national resources. All that South Sudanese people care about is that the suspected stolen funds are fully recovered, corruption completely eradicated and that Juba adheres to its social contract with the masses by delivering on economic development, social services, good governance, long lasting peace and political stability!

If the South Sudanese Diaspora community has any contribution to make towards that noble national goal, so much the better! If South Sudan accepts economic, social, technological and developmental assistances from total foreigners, how about from people of South Sudanese origin? The seventh front is part and parcel of the required solution to South Sudan’s national predicaments.

PaanLuel Wël (paanluel2011@gmail.com) is the Managing Editor of PaanLuel Wël: South Sudanese Bloggers. He can be reached through his Facebook page, Twitter account or on the blog: http://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com/

By: John Bith Aliap, Adelaide Australia

We have multiply been accused of tribalism, but we have always presented fake voices that Tribalism doesn’t exist in the Republic of South Sudan. However, logical sense would otherwise tell other side of story. Typical events like Jongulei crisis which often makes headlines in many global news channels would make it difficult for us to deny the existence of tribalism; and if we are victorious in some cases in our accustomed denial culture which we have imported from Arabs in the north, this leaves us with sour throats.

Less than a year now, all South Sudanese celebrated the independence of the Republic of South Sudan, a country they had exceedingly shed their blood for many decades. Hundreds of thousands if not, millions of South Sudanese took part in that independence celebration and pledged their loyalty to the Republic of South Sudan. The scene of celebration was characterized by people wearing flag of South Sudan, a symbol of what they would describe as their homeland. Some were clasping the flag and welling-up with tears as they pledged their allegiance to the Republic of South Sudan.

This celebration has in turned came with its own challenges that require us as people of the Republic South Sudan to compromise the journey of tribalism which we have been undertaking in the last centuries. Although ill-thought attempts are made to put out the flames of corruption, we should not also forget to fight our known enemy called tribalism which the colonists had in the last centuries imported to South Sudan and used it as an exploitative tool of division. Haven’t we recently deposed the colonists from our territories South Sudanese? If your answer is yes, than why shouldn’t we abandon all sorts of evil practices the colonists have historically imposed on us?

Many of our loved ones have perished in the course of tribal feuding under the swords of their own brothers and sisters. If we really need the Republic of South Sudan to be a free and equal society, then it should be tribally free, but if it’s to be tribally free, it must remain free and equal to all South Sudanese regardless of their tribal supremacy or backgrounds. In this respect, I cannot falsely argue that some tribes in South Sudan have never been biased against other tribes, this is a part of our human condition, but the problem is not that we are biased; the problem would be when we forget that we are being biased against others. Once people start to believe that their tribes are superior than others’, than they could become very bigots they are supposedly to be against.

The Republic of South Sudan is comprised with massive self-righteous groups who would in many ways identify themselves as; Dinka, Nuer, Murle, Bari, Acholi, Ding-Dinga, Anyuak, Taposa, Mundari etc. These groups hold their tribal hatreds to the stage where they would attempt to project all evils deeds-I mean anything which is deemed evil onto other groups. However, in this situation the right of reply or attempt at dialogue is refused, leading to a feeling of helplessness and anger among the accused groups.

As long as our human history is concerns, it’s unquestionably our human nature that we sometimes hold false views of the world, but in reality it’s not an individuals’ mistake to choose whether they are to become Nuer, Dinka, Bari etc.　The other beliefs we subsequently choose, can only be done through the distorted prism of those early influences and imperfect knowledge of the facts, but should we blame others of being Dinka, Shiluk, Taposa, Nuer, Ding-Dinga and Vis versa? This typical thinking goes against the nature and if we hate others simply because they are members of other tribes, than we must wrongly be blaming the nature.

South Sudanese should acknowledge that all tribes in the Republic of South Sudan are importance and those who endeavor to lecture supremacy of their tribes are the worst enemies of the new born state of South Sudan than Khartoum’s regime. Tribalism in its broadest sense has become our major enemy than Khartoum’s regime which we often talk about day and night and it’s more determines to break the Republic of South Sudan into pieces if not managed adequately, especially at the onset of current national building phase. We all need each other for the fact that different tribal values, beliefs and life styles form the identity of the Republic of South Sudan. My experience tells me that we all have rich cultures which if utilized properly in my view can lay a concrete foundation of the new Republic of South Sudan which we should all as people of South Sudan be proud of now and in the future.

Some people had already pointed their fingers to the government of South Sudan that it has not done enough to end tribalism in South Sudan, but eradication of tribalism is neither government’s nor an individuals’ responsibility. It’s a collective responsibility whereby each and every one of us should perform his/her part. South Sudanese in all walks of life should come out and preach the goodness of being a nationalist and badness of being a tribalist rather than preaching water during the day and drink wine and whisky during the night.

You won’t be surprise in Juba or in other major cities in South Sudan when somebody asks you which tribes are you belongs. This kind of question for instance, is simply a tribal practice, but those who indulge in such business do not realize that they are engaging in tribal practices. It’s high time now for South Sudanese to abandon their historical tribal culture and its associated regressive practices and embrace the sentiments of nationalism. The attitudes of tribalism will always bring setbacks to our new born country which we should at this stage be taking care of as we would take care of our young ones. Tribal system is simply a colonists’ system that they used to govern us; and our political leaders in particular have a moral responsibility to avoid nurturing the art of tribalism.

Our hopes and expectations have been that after we have attained our independence, so would the development follow, but tribalism appears to be a major impediment to development and also a greater threat to our national security. Are we stupid enough not to stand up and face tribalism with all our strengths? If we do so, let us not forget the role inter-marriage and the church could play in our war on tribalism. Many South Sudanese have been expecting that church leaders would stand up to their spiritual responsibilities to reduce the magnitudes of tribalism. But I would argue here in this respect if you don’t mind that churches in the Republic of South Sudan are as guilty as other ignorance groups by not standing up to fight tribalism.

The current state of our churches is neither healthy nor promising either as I write this piece. Churches in South Sudan are indisputably maintaining the status quo of tribalism. Church leaders in our contemporary Republic of South Sudan speak of Dinka congregation, Nuer congregation, Bari congregation etc. It would in turn work this way; all churches in the Republic of South Sudan should work together instead of maintaining the historical tribal divisions. Another important ingredient that we need in our hands is indeed an encouragement of inter-marriages among different tribes. If this is done, then the next generation born from these unions will be devoid of tribalism. Can we try this step and see if it will work? I think it will definitely work.

In addition, let’s not ignore the fact that our current state structures are established on the basis of tribal lines and it’s not helping us at all if we are really serious about tribalism. We need to make drastic measures if we are to see gains in war on tribalism by abolishing the current state structures. These structures have arguably confined people to the point where they would almost spend approximately 90% of their lives in their traditional geographical tribal territories. To end this trend however, Equatorians and others should go and work in different states and rest should also do the same. This will minimize the chances of holding false and imaginary beliefs on others. In spite of underlying differences, these people can trust each other and they can co-exist peacefully as they share their common traditional foods such as Asida and Kisra with each other. We cannot end tribalism in the Republic of South Sudan if we don’t cross our tribal borders, otherwise our desire to end tribalism in South Sudan may remain as a lips service!

Nevertheless, media which the government of South Sudan sees as its major enemy would also occupy a primary defensive line in this war on tribalism. Although the long-decades war with Khartoum’s regime made it difficult for many talented South Sudanese to explore their educational opportunities, there are still few good writers out there who would otherwise "if they are honest and care about their country" use their writing skills to discourage practices of tribalism in the Republic of South Sudan. It would be an incurable mistake if these writers idiotically allow themselves to be used by their self-centered tribal politicians in the course of advancing their tribal supremacy and egotistic interests. This is an abuse of professionalism! I would love to see our professional writers using their inks and papers to end tribalism in South Sudan rather than perpetrating it.

As there may be various ways and tactics we can employ to end tribalism, music cannot miss to qualify as one of those tools we should be using to end tribalism in the Republic of South Sudan. Most of music shows mostly shown on South Sudan TV have often been highly characterized by artists singing for their dream girls. However, it would have been worthy enough if we could extend invitations to these talented South Sudanese artists so that they can join the podium and compose songs not only dedicated to their dream girls, but also songs that discourage practices of tribalism in the Republic of South Sudan. I would acknowledge that few artists have already board the plane and set the ball rolling, but other artists are highly encouraged to tag on a similar direction. I’m sincerely encouraging our artists to courageously take a centre stage in the war on tribalism. This step is necessary since artists can effortlessly influence wider audiences and without doubt, it can definitely work when used as a tool to end tribalism. Therefore, utilizing music to close tribal gaps would serve thousands of lives which would have been lost in regressive tribal feuding.

In conclusion, South Sudanese should all come out courageously and truthfully to confront tribalism and its associated evil practices. Engaging on ways to right the wrongs and put up ways to secure a good Republic of South Sudan for us and the next generations would be a brilliant idea. I would like to pose this question as a home work to all South Sudanese. The question goes like this; are you sufficiently stupid not to confront tribalism or sensibly judicious to confront it and put it to an end? The costs of tribalism in the Republic of South Sudan have been very high and its continuation won’t serve our interest national.

The author of this work is a concerned South Sudanese citizen and can be corresponded at johnaliap2011@hotmail.com

 .

A year after South Sudan gained independence, its dreams of peace and prosperity lie in tatters

• Ros Wynne-Jones
• guardian.co.uk, Sunday 8 July 2012 13.00 EDT

 “You have been talking about the money being stolen in corruption, is it your father’s money that was stolen? Why do you like to speak every time on all these issues and who mandates you to speak on behalf of the people of South Sudan?” Demanded the Kidnappers of Deng Athuai Mawiir.

By PaanLuel Wël, Washington DC, USA, Planet Earth

As South Sudanese were celebrating the first anniversary of the independence of the Republic of South Sudan on July 9^th, 2012, Deng Athuai Mawiir was fighting for his dear life at the Juba Teaching hospital. Mr. Mawiir, the Chairperson of the South Sudan Civil Society Alliance, was kidnapped by unknown people on the 4th of July in Juba, South Sudan. He was lured into a “green-blue” car, blindfolded with his hands tied behind him and then ferried to an unknown location where he was repeatedly tortured till July 7, 2012 when he was dumped on the Juba-Bor highway in a sack. According to Sudan Radio Services

, Mr. Mawiir led “the activists that marched to South Sudan’s parliament demanding the government publish the names of the officials alleged to have stolen a total of $4 billion since 2005.”

In a press statement condemning the abduction and torturing of Deng Athuai, South Sudan Civil Society Alliance declares, “it was because of Alliance’s outspokenness towards just and democratic governance including a fight against corruption which Alliance leadership under Mr. Athuai has been spearheading.” Undeterred, the Alliance further reiterates their calls “on the office of the president and Anti-Corruption Commission to reveal the names of the 75 corruption suspects and be taken to face justice in the Court of law.”

May 15, 2012, the police in Lakes State’s capital Rumbek arrested Ms. Ayak Dhieu Apar—the Radio Rumbek 98 FM journalist. She was detained for hosting a live radio talk show with the title “How Could Public Respect Police?” which drew in callers, questioning the conduct and competence of the police. Hardly amused, the police moved in and arrested Ms. Ayak, accusing her of insulting them. The deafening outcry from the public compelled the state police to release her two days later without charges.

April 23^rd, 2010, Mr. Bonifacio Taban was arrested for documenting “general unrest across Bentiu town after the National Elections Commission announced that Taban Deng won the governor seat.” Upon release, he was fired from his Bentiu FM radio job. June 3^rd, 2012

, Mr. Taban was again.

“detained and questioned by South Sudan’s army…in relation to an article published on 31 May: ‘

Over 500 SPLA widows complain of ill-treatment.’ The article…angered the military as some of the women interviewed accused South Sudan’s army (SPLA) of not providing them with adequate compensation for the death of their husbands. Military widows, or those dependent on them, are supposed to receive a one-off payment, which is the equivalent [of] half a year’s salary…the SPLA were also angered that the figure of 500 widows implied that more soldiers died in the recent border conflicts with Sudan than the military had previously acknowledged.”

February 06, 2012, Mading Ng’or Akech—the New Sudan Vision Editor-in-Chief and the host of the popular ’Wake Up Juba’ show on Bakhita FM—was assaulted and humiliated at South Sudan’s parliament. According to a journalist who witnessed the scuffle in the August House, Mr. Mading “was manhandled by the security guys who tore his trousers to the extent of nearly exposing his underpants to the public.”

Just last month—June of 2012, Mayol Kuch, a South Sudanese American who was on a family visitation in South Sudan, was detained and beaten to death by SPLA soldiers

in Bor, Jonglei State. The soldiers suspected him of having participated in “the violence that followed disputed elections in the village for chief of the Adol community” in which two people lost their lives. The case is yet to be solved, two months after it occurred. Left in limbo, his young wife is unable to bring herself to comprehend how the SPLA soldiers that liberated the country could be responsible for the death of her beloved, newly-wedded husband.

According to Biel Boutros—the Secretary General and Spokesperson of the South Sudan Civil Society Alliance (

SSCSA) and the Executive Director of South Sudan Human Rights Society For Advocacy (SSHURSA)—the government of South Sudan has repeatedly failed to pass and enact media laws on the South Sudanese constitutional right of access to information, Freedom of the Press and freedom of speech, seven years after the formation of the Government of South Sudan in 2005.

Echoing the same sentiment, Dr. Hakim Moi—the Executive Director of The Association for Media Development in South Sudan (AMDISS)—adds that the three media bills (the Right to Information Bill, South Sudan Broadcasting Corporation Bill and Media Authority Bill) have stalled between the offices of the Ministry of Information, Council of Ministers and South Sudan National Legislative Assembly.

This premeditated failure by South Sudan National Legislative Assembly (SSNLA) to pass those three media bills on Freedom of the Media has vastly undermined not only the viability but also the independence of the Freedom of the Press in South Sudan. Most worryingly, the absence of a constitutionally mandated media law has allowed the new government of South Sudan to borrow from and inherit Khartoum’s old oppressive practices of unlawful detention and harassment of journalists, human rights activists and other freethinking public intellectuals.

Mr. Biel Boutros

is convinced that:

“such acts of arresting [journalists] plus many more unconstitutional acts in the hands of our law enforcement agencies can hardly be distinguished from the evils for which South Sudan took up arms for against Khartoum…It is so sad that most of our institutions are doing exactly what caused South Sudan to secede from North Sudan.”

The SPLM/A, the ex-rebel movement currently running the new Republic of South Sudan, has not always been hostile to the media, however. In fact, during the war, media campaigns and propaganda were all part and parcel of the Movement.  Under SPLM/A ‘liberated areas’ were found prominent South Sudanese journalists and writers such as Atem Yaak Atem, Jacob Akol, and Joseph Malath Lueth among others. Even in Khartoum, Alfred Taban of Khartoum Monitor, Arop Madut of Sudan Heritage, and Nhial Bol of the Citizen Newspaper were SPLM/A’s darlings during the war for South Sudan’s independence owing to the vigorous media campaigns they fearlessly waged against successive Khartoum regimes on behalf of the marginalized people of the Sudan. Dr. John Garang, the late leader of the SPLM/A, was a shrewd and cunning strategist who successfully incorporated and utilized local and international press such as the BBC as a conduit to wage psychological warfare on Khartoum as well as to seek and enlist international sympathies for his cause. Even today in Juba, the nouveau riche SPLM/A generals and ministers

cannot get enough of media attention particularly when it is favorable to them. 

But that symbiotic relationship between the media and the former rebels dramatically shifted after the SPLM/A assumed power in Juba and

commenced acting like the old Sudanese regime in relation to the news media. The first casualty was none other than Nhial Bol Aken, the Editor-in-Chief of Citizen Newspaper and the former darling of the SPLM/A during the war. The motto of the Citizen Newspaper—“Fighting Corruption and Dictatorship”—places it squarely in the crosshairs of the SPLM/A generals because corruptions and dictatorship have become the pillars of SPLM leadership in Juba. In 2007, Bol was arrested after his newspaper exposed a “wasteful spending at the finance ministry, which purchased 153 cars for government officials.” According to Aljazeera, the price tag was $60 million—a staggering $400,000 per vehicle.

On June 12, 2011, just before South Sudan independence, Mr. Nhial Bol “was arrested [again] on his way from a dinner party organized by the British Consulate in Juba at a hotel called Da Vinci, south of Juba’s main town…[and was] threatened to back down from his activity or risk dying before July 9”—South Sudan Independence Day. On October 1, 2011, Mr. Bol was arrested for the fourth time by police before being released “following his newspaper’s investigations into the business dealings” of a Warrap state minister, Joseph Malek Arop, who was reported to have unlawfully acquired 10% stake in the Chinese oil company Tesco South Sudan Ltd.   

So routine have Mr. Bol’s summons, arrests and detentions become that he has

developed a philosophy

for it: 

“I have been arrested and detained 38 times since 2000. As regards summons by the security agents, I have lost count of them. Sometimes they would summon me four times a day to their offices for questioning, before releasing me. It’s part of the game — they are trying to frustrate us.”

The other journalist who has received his fair share of the violence against Free Press is Mr. Manyang Mayom of Sudan Tribune:

“In February 2008, Mayom was badly beaten by a militia loyal to Paulino Matip whose soldiers had merged with the SPLA…has been beaten, arrested, intimidated and harassed on numerous occasions by security services in Southern Sudan while investigating sensitive stories…There were occasions in which Manyang Mayom was so badly beaten; he had to be taken to the Sudanese capital Khartoum for treatment, with several repercussions with regards to his injured kidneys. He has also been accused of being a spy as well…His bravery and commitment to the Freedom of the Press was recognized when he was awarded for his ‘commitment to free expression and courage in the face of political persecution’ with a Hellman/Hammett grant by Human Rights Watch on August 4, 2010.” 

Sometimes, even a single piece of article in a newspaper is sufficient enough to land a writer in prison. For example, Dengdit Ayok and Ngor Arol Garang of The Destiny Newspaper were forcefully detained on November 05, 2011, over a column article in The Destiny written by Dengdit Ayok, questioning the rationale behind President Kiir’s daughter’s marriage to a foreigner. As reported by the Committee to Protect Journalists, Gen. Akol Koor, the Director General of the South Sudan’s National Security Services, faulted the two gentlemen of “non-adherence to the media code of conduct and professional ethics and of publishing illicit news that was defamatory, inciting, and invading the privacy of personalities.”

 

Similarly, Dr. James Okuk—a former ambassador to Brazil—was arrested on October 21, 2011, for allegedly “writing against President Salva Kiir on the internet.” Of the five articles assembled by the Security Agents, the most damning one was an article entitled “South Sudan Paradox: Joyful Independence, Sorry Leadership” penned on the eve of South Sudan independence. And just like the case of Ngor Garang and Dengdit Ayok, Dr. James Okuk was released too without charges but with a stern warning to moderate his views and behave himself well.

 

In January 2012, the New Times editor, Richard Mogga and his counterpart, Badru Mulumba, were quietly “picked up by people claiming to be police.” According to Brian Adeba, a Canadian-based South Sudanese journalist, Mr. Badru Mulumba was reportedly accused of “defaming [minister] Jemma Nunu in Juba.” As a custom in South Sudan, both gentlemen were later freed without charges filed.

 

The

flight of South Sudanese journalists is well captured by Ojja William Benjamin

, a freelance journalist from the Eastern Equatoria State: 

“It is becoming a habit these days that journalists are picked up and arrested by the powerful individual government officials and released without charges after spending long times in jails. This is not acceptable. The government needs to stop this practice…I thought journalists in Juba were more safe [than] those of us in the bush. Some of us in the states are arrested even for something [we] did not do because of being a journalist. Hearing the title [that guy is a journalist] alone by some local officials invite arrest. I have been arrested thrice this year [2011] and released without charges… “I am sometimes told not [to] leave my house. Some of my colleagues have had press cards withdrawn and torn at our watch which is unacceptable and I thought this is a practice being experienced by journalists living outside the national capital.”

 

 

However, the most brazen assault of all was the one directed at Dr. Jok Madut Jok, a deputy minister in the government of South Sudan, on December 31st, 2011, in Wau.

 

“I was brutally attacked, my arms tight by several men, a blow to the side of my head with the butt of a gun and several punches straight onto both of my eyes; no questions asked, not even any accusations of wrongdoing. I was tortured properly while I had quickly shown the soldiers my identity card, demonstrating that I am a senior official in the national government, undersecretary in the Ministry of Culture, [but] the ID was thrown away and several men wrestled me to the ground.”

As if the beating was not enough, the officer in charge started touting Dr. Jok Madut:

 

“As I was seated on the floor, being interrogated, several drunken soldiers, the ones “protecting” our leader, kept interrupting their officer with really unsoldierly behavior. And instead of the officer reprimanding them, he told me “you see, they may be drunk, but that is how we liberated this country.” There is that phrase, so commonly used as justification for misconduct. “We liberated it” is now thrown in your face left and right, even if it means taking the liberty to be drunk on the job, loot public property, claim entitlement for a job one is not qualified for, beat or even shoot to kill civilians over nonsense”

 

 

In a YouTube video clip in which Dr. John Garang, the late leader of the SPLM/A, was addressing his army officers in readiness for their transition from a rebel movement into a civilian government, he warned that “if the SPLM government will not provide basic services and security to the people under their care, then the people will throw them into the sea, and even if there is no sea around, they will definitely find one.” Mr. Biel Boutros reasons that the SPLM has already squandered its hard-earned legacy and popularity with the citizens of South Sudan. Still, he believes that there is no need for an Arab-Spring-style revolution in the Republic of South Sudan given the lingering memories of the last protracted civil war between the SPLM/A and the government of the Sudan that resulted in the independence of South Sudan

. 

But as the latest humiliating abduction and flagrant torturing of Deng Athuai Mawiir indicates, South Sudan has got a long way to go before the fourth arm of the government—the Media, could claim its rightful place in Juba. But if past trends are anything to go by, then the wanton assault on the Chairperson of the South Sudan Civil Society Alliance may not be the last one any time soon. The very media and penmanship that dutifully served the SPLM/A during the dark days of the long civil war has now become so reviled that the new government of the Republic of South Sudan seems to have declared a total war on it.

 

Yet, if the SPLM/A was fighting for a free, democratic nation in which freedom of expression and the media is guaranteed, protected and promoted, and is still presently advocating for the same goal as it is enshrined in the South Sudan interim constitution, then

the government of the Republic of South Sudan must pass the three outstanding media bills without further delay.

The Republic of South Sudan has enough of its internal and external conundrums to wrestle with; it does not have the luxury to afford a new war front. Freedom of the Press and freedom of speech are few constitutional rights which, if permitted to flourish, could spark a national dialogue on the most pressing issues such as corruption and bad governance in South Sudan. Attacking journalists and arresting people without charges indicate that the South Sudan judicial system is too dysfunctional to prosecute criminals.

The panacea, in the opinion of Biel Boutros, is to immediately pass the three outstanding media bills so as to fight and deter criminal activities because journalists will cover them. As a matter of fact, the government should rather perceive journalists as ‘secret investigators’ who are willing to expose illegal acts. Many South Sudanese writers, human rights activists and journalists have had the misfortune of crossing paths with the authorities. But this is only the tip of the iceberg because many cases against low-profile media personnel who bear constant harassments and intimidations from the law enforcement agents and grumpy politicians go unreported.

 

If this behavior doesn’t change anytime soon, one is likely to see South Sudan being labeled as one of the “brutal regime” because of how the security forces and the SPLA soldiers harass journalists and mistreat civilians. I believe that labeling by the International Community will undoubtedly tarnish the image of the young nation at a time when we all need to prove to the whole world that we are not a pre-failed state that has become a global child problem.

 

PaanLuel Wël (paanluel2011@gmail.com) is the Managing Editor of PaanLuel Wël: South Sudanese Bloggers. He can be reached through his Facebook page, Twitter account or on the blog: http://paanluelwel2011.wordpress.com/ 

By Arok Matiop De Yeiyith

It is said in politics 'there is no permanent friend and permanent enemy'. A friend of yesterday could be an enemy of today. It is also said in a proverb that 'he who does right things to he who does not deserves it, yields for himself insults and repentance'. What is the reason for these odds to those who do not understand politics in the first place? On what bases are decisions being based on? Is it based on principles or quick picks? I' m asking these questions because when consultation was alive and debate was vital in solving political issues, people concerned used to be called and informed and any decision made is thereafter binding on them because they have participated in making it.

On that we stood firm in favor of Duk people to create their own County and constituency when they called us, knowing Ajoung of Paliau Payam and Pakeer of Maar Payam, were coming to Twic East County constituency, we again nominated Ajoung/ Paker for commissionership and stood firm, defending our suggestion  during the SPLA first category meeting in Rumbek, 2003 as a gesture of stewardship, We thought we were welcoming and demonstrating correct stance of brother to his brothers who had been for more than 47 years under hegemony of majority voters whom they were annex to them.

We also stood firm during the SPLM state liberation Council meeting in Bor, in favor of transparency which enabled two members from the two Payams to come to state liberation Council and national liberation Council at a time they were refusing what is called Maar Payam as an entity in a preference to what they called inseparable Ajackeer. We thought we were doing the right thing, unfortunately its returns was unholy alliance against Nyuak led by people whom we spared no effort in correcting their egoist thinking and exclusion of others even on issues of political survival.

If a saying that says 'no smoke without fire' is belief, then we have no reason why we should not belief a long awaited open secret plan that says Ayual will go to [Twic north] and Awulian to [Twic south] and Dacuek will choose where to go, Murle or to Nuer. That was not from the blue; there must be two people and more who were planning what had materialized two years back and another one is now brewing without consultations! How can the practitioners be far away from the current crisis?

As a result, Nyuak was boycotted by north constituency where one third is taken to, bypassed by south constituency where another one third is taken, when they much to Wernyol Payam where a celebration of scored successes under the name of prayers was held. Why was Nyuak not invited and bypassed if the occasion was a real prayer? It was something else, division of Nuak Community and allocation of seats which was promptly followed by skirmishers. This unexpected U turn is enough to Nyuak Community to conclude that what is happening in Nyuak Payam is a direct outcome of planned exclusion in decision making, divide and rule by appeasing part to lay low and deal with other. We won't be others than we ourselves even if we rebelled against our norms in politics in favor of foreign political culture of chaos. 

It is unjustified policy as per the above, and uncalled for new phenomena which has never been in existence in greater Bor if not the whole South Sudan during the below listed chiefs who were politician in their time in Twic East. it just came with us as an acquired culture from neighboring countries and perpetuated by those who wanted to get what they should get by/ through merit as acquired by forefathers, Deng de Malual de Aleer, Ajang Duot de Bior, Permina Bul de Kuoc, Mading de Garang de Tong, Johansson Malual Leek, Mark Atem de Awuol, Elijah Malok de Alang and glorious father of the Nation, and founder of the Republic Dr John Garang de Mabior. God blessed his soul in eternal peace.

Nyuak always are truth loving and facts fearing people, they don’t act in isolation of others and without regard for them when issue is of common interest, always relating logic and procedures to end results, but intransigence in not sharing ideas and decisions that are affecting others and opting to whispering are reasons behind the current crisis as evidenced by reluctant of brothers in the north and south constituencies to step-in.

We are asking them to go back to their wisdom, see their actions and review their policies towards Nyuak community. Their policies and actions had sent strong signals to Nyuak Community that by not stepping-in and not inviting them for function or prayers if it was a real prayers or function, they would have been invited but ignoring them justifies the motive. Therefore, it wasn’t that. It was a quorum for designing, strategizing, its ultimate aim concretizing decisions made against them in their absence [dividing Nyuak community into one third in Twic north constituency and two third in Twic south constituency, and division of seats who is to go where].

Fortunately the supposition correctly confirmed itself the following day in Panyagoor Church where announcement of previously agreed decisions was announced which is to go where. Secondly not intervening the way they intervened in the case of Kuac and Abek. We know nothing they could gain out of crisis between Abek and Kuac. Contrary, prevalent of peace in Nyuak denies them minorities amongst them while chaos qualifies them to have what they desperately want at any cost, so hard work with one to break a way especially after the legal challenge against the first attempt is a way-out in achieving the aforementioned. Here comes the story of lion, so creating environment of mistrust and suspicious opens corridors for anybody to infiltrate and incite hatred between Nyuak communities amongst themselves and possibly with their leaders who are believed by some would shadow them.

This does not require political analyst, a lay man intuition can arrive to this since the devised means are justifying the ultimate aim, creating and encouraging conflict between the three Communities as we are now experiencing. No other way that they can have what they want, unless Nyuak is made to turn against itself. Mission well designed, and efficiently discharged by few able individuals on behalf of people who do not want political survival of Nyuak Community. Wake up, though late, better than never, and diagnosed the disease, and say ''Wunda aci Beere Leer Jur Pei''.

Arok Matiop de Yeiyieth.

He can be reached at arokmatiop@gmail.com

Taylor Brodarick, Contributor - Forbes

I write about the developing world, history and popular culture.

I am currently reading Kwasi Kwarteng’s fascinating and exhaustive book, Ghosts of Empire, which examines the British Empire’s role in several very different former colonies such as Iraq, Sudan, Nigeria, Kashmir, Burma and even Hong Kong. One of Kwarteng’s central themes is how the paths of these nations were influenced not only by British ideals and values, but also those of the powerful colonial administrators who governed them.

He also documents how the British class system was applied to the colonies and how administrators worked with native elites to run their colonies.  This is an interesting idea and a more nuanced way of considering the conventional wisdom that ex-British colonies have fared better than former French colonies, and much better than those formerly ruled by the Portuguese, who controlled colonial administration more tightly with less native involvement.  This is well-trodden ground. Yet, it made me think about nations that develop more organically and are not constructs of a colonial system. Can a nation lacking a deep colonial past achieve prosperity and maintain peace more or less easily than those with such a heritage? 

On July 9, the world’s newest state, South Sudan, marked one year of independence. As the name indicates, South Sudan was carved out of the southern fourth of the Republic of the Sudan. South Sudan is located south of the fork where the White Nile and Blue Nile converge into the Nile River before snaking more than 2000 miles more through Sudan and Egypt before emptying into the Mediterranean Sea. In short, South Sudan is located in the heart of East Africa and, as far as most Westerners are concerned, in the middle of nowhere. It is also one of the poorest nations in the world.

Though it was nominally administered by the British for nearly sixty years, it wasn’t colonized by European settlers. The extent of British activity involved trying to keep Muslims in the north from expanding southward.  The so-called “Southern Policy” viewed southern Sudan as a bulwark against Islamic expansion, but little else. Though it was unprepared for independence after World War II, the British simply kept it part of Sudan when independence came on New Years Day 1956.

Forged in War and Bathed in Blood. That’s how I summarize the path of so many developing nations that gained independence in the twentieth century. South Sudan is no different. Its war for independence from Sudan lasted longer than most.  I count close to forty-nine years of conflict with their Muslim neighbors to the north; at a cost of 2 to 3 million lives. Most of Africa had to earn independence from a European power.

European empires weren’t built along tribal, religious, ethnic, linguistic or any other human classification you can imagine. They were created based on whose explorers and traders – and inevitably – whose military arrived first.  After the initial scramble more or less set the boundaries of colonial Africa, while the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 tied up the loose ends and divided up what was left. As a result, most African independence movements are rooted in a shared struggle (peaceful or violent) against a foreign master, or in the case of the more vicious wars, against a sizable European settler population as occurred in Portuguese East and West Africa (now Mozambique and Angola), British East Africa (now Kenya), Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and Algeria. No wonder the guns turned on each other once a new, colorful flag replaced the Union Jack, French tri-color or the five shields of Portugal.

The tribes of South Sudan banded together to fight the Khartoum government based on a shared religious (animist and Christians) and ethnic (non-Arab Nilotic tribes) basis in addition to shared enmity for the Arab-dominated government of Sudan. There have been other attempts to build nations out of the artificial borders of post-colonial states (e.g. Biafra in Nigeria, Katanga in Congo-Kinshasa) that failed. Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in the early 1990s but the area had previously been an Italian colony. It’s unique in Africa in that its war for independence was waged against the Sudanese, not colonial overlords from another continent.

Why does its success matter to the world and particularly the developing world? I think South Sudan is a critical test case and template for other underdeveloped nations because it lacks much of the baggage that hampered the progress of its continental neighbors.

South Sudan is the first African nation to successfully win independence absent a European colonial heritage.  I believe this lack of a colonial hangover could be a constructive unifier for the country.  The legacy of colonialism has been trotted out by many dictators as a scapegoat for the sundry woes their nations face.  South Sudan lacks this excuse and hopefully will be forced to face the immense challenges ahead without looking to the past to assign blame. It has tabula rasa to build a stable, representative democracy, and sensible economic policy free of the ghosts of colonialism.

I am not naïve and realize the widespread poverty will be incredibly difficult to overcome. South Sudan lacks an industrial base, has very little infrastructure, but it does have plenty of natural resources, including oil; though at present a pipeline dispute with Sudan threatens to destabilize the development of its oil industry. Its largely unspoiled landscape combined with bountiful wildlife offers it a chance to emulate the eco-tourism successes in Kenya, Botswana, Belize, Costa Rica and other tropical nations.

Its future progress promises to be interesting.  If political stability and economic growth can be attained, it could embolden other disenfranchised minority groups to try to redraw their own borders created by Europeans. We could see other, smaller, and more homogeneous nations emerge as these groups push hard for a second independence, an independence not from colonialism but colonialism’s aftermath.  I am not sure what failure means.  It could weaken the argument that ill-conceived nations based on colonial boundaries are a root of the chronic instability in the developing world and particularly Africa.  Either way, the region has much at stake in the success of this infant republic.

• The South Sudan-born model on her newly independent country's struggle to transform itself, and her Olympic favourites 

• Killian Fox
• •  
  •  
• The Observer, Saturday 28 July 2012

By John Alier (Borglobe)


Bishop Nathaniel Garang Anyieth, a former bishop of Bor Diocese is the man of a great mission in the church history of South Sudan. He had witnessed down fall of the wars (1956-1972 and 1983 -2005) in the history of the South Sudan. He had earned a title of double history man. He had survived hardships and sufferings together with his people, with other pastors and evangelists while maintaining and encouraging them to make God their first priority in starvation and deadly conditions. His great mission of winning people to God through Christ was started when he studied theology in Uganda and became Bishop of Bor Diocese in 1984, just after second war had begun in 1983. People of Dallas-Fort worth (Texas-USA) were greatly inspired by him during African Night celebration yesterday on July 29, 2012 at Episcopal Church of Ascension. In his great mission, he has demonstrated compassion to people, and commitment to the word of God to the bottom line.

Bishop Nathaniel has wonderful compassion and experiences about God and His people. He describes distinctively children of God from God’s people. For instances, in his preaching yesterday at Dallas, he has explained in simple knowledge that all people on earth "are people of God"-believers and none and that children of God "are hearers of word". He mentioned it more than two times in his entire message. In addition, he has big picture about the role of the Holy Spirit. He described it in distinctive terms as the common ground for all the children of God. He told listeners that if some one brings milk from red, white, and black cows, "Would it be different colors?" The listeners answered him with no. He continued and illustrated that the Holy Spirit was like milk. Children of God came from different races and background but with the same Holy Spirit they are one. He drew that experience from cattle herd and the Bible. Bishop Nathaniel has experiences about the Bible and cultures of his people.

Although Bishop Nathaniel has retired from commission of being diocesan Bishop, he still has commitment and courage to carry the light of his faith to the finishing line. His body strength has signs of decreases but his tone reveals strength during preaching. He offered a lot of prayers during his three days stay in DFW. He was invited to Achuil’s Kuol Tiir house and many South Sudanese joined him there. It was a great evening and Rev. Agook Kon gave him fine accompany. A lot of participants were very eager to express them selves and asked him to pray over their concerns. Through expressions there is no denial, people love Bishop Nathaniel and he appeared to love them, too. I guess, he is like an elephant that has taken his tusks back to her family. In history of Christianity in the South Sudan, Bishop Nathaniel is the first Bishop to retire officially from his diocese in Dinka community. He has mentioned to crowd that he had not retired from the word of God.

In conclusion, Bishop Nathaniel appears to maintain his closure to God through great mission. When he was asked to start writing about his mission, he relaxed, and explained that his work is just to teach the word to hearts and minds. He is not concerned about writing. Such expressions confirms a great mission of compassion and commitment to the word of God by Bishop Nathaniel Garang Anyieth. Since he maintains his faith through word after retirement, then he is the man of great mission.

It’s written by John Alier (Malinhjok, July 30, 2012).

By Palash R. Ghosh: Subscribe to Palash's RSS feed

August 7, 2012 6:17 AM EDT

International Business Times

Kiir apparently is grateful to Bush for playing an instrumental role in the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which ended the second Sudanese civil war and paved the way for a referendum on South Sudan’ independence -- a measure that became a reality in July 2011, two years after Bush’ term ended. 

Kiir was clearly thinking of Bush when he signed South Sudan’s new constitution and also when he was inaugurated as the country's first president -- he wore the very same black Stetson that the Texan presented him with five years before.

Right-wing media in the U.S. hailed Bush for pushing for the secession of South Sudan, which has a significant Christian population, in contrast to the mostly Muslim (North) Sudan.

Jim Hoff of Gateway Pundit wrote: “Today the people of South Sudan were liberated thanks to his efforts.”

Similarly, when South Sudan gained independence, a local resident held up a sign which proclaimed “Thank You, George Bush”  

Another jubilant South Sudanese, a writer and literature professor named Taban lo Liyong, told the Los Angeles Times: "It was George Bush and the Christian fundamentalists who heard the cry of South Sudan.”

Many educated Sudanese, especially political leaders, tend to wear standard Western (as in Western culture, not cowboy Western) suits -- as indeed Kiir himself does, in addition to the cowboy hat.

Despite their distance Sudan and Texas actually have some things in common -- a violent history, an arid landscape, and, most importantly, an abundance of oil. So, perhaps the sight of Kiir looking like a Texas Ranger is not all that absurd.

Moreover, as a symbol of the American pioneer spirit, democracy, and rugged individualism, almost nothing surpasses the cowboy hat. (President Ronald Reagan frequently was seen wearing a cowboy hat while relaxing at his ranch in California).

Some foreign leaders have also put on a Stetson, at least when visiting Texas, including Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping when he appeared at a rodeo in Simonton, Texas, in February 1979. The Duchess of Cambridge, Kate Middleton, wore a cowboy hat while attending a reception in Calgary, Alberta.

However, Kiir appears to be the only foreign leader who has made the Texas hat part of his permanent wardrobe.

--

KHARTOUM - Mahjoub Mohamed Salih, the “grey eminence” of Sudanese journalism, explains the strength of the press in Sudan, the lack of investigative journalism and the secret of writing critically about the government without being arrested. 

Q: Mr. Salih, you are the most experienced editor-in-chief in Sudan and have been working for more than 70 years as a journalist. Do you ever regret your choice of profession?

A: At the beginning, I didn’t consider journalism as a profession. Those days, Sudan was a relict type of colony under Anglo-Egyptian rule and under colonial rule, the press is an advocacy tool. I come from a working class family and wrote my first article at the age of 12. I later joined a Marxist group and became one of the leaders of the student movement.

Q: So your professional aspirations were initially politically motivated?

A: We wanted to get across to the people our wishes for the future. Journalism to me was a way to express my political views specifically for liberating the country from foreign rule. So that’s why I became a journalist.

Q: Expressing political views under colonial rule – this sounds like a mission impossible.

A: Several people were imprisoned. I went to jail because I took part in demonstrations but also because I was a junior reporter. At that time, it didn’t take much to get incarcerated.

Q: One must not even go back to the colonial era. This year, the Sudanese press reported the temporary suspension of the dailies Alwan, Al-Tayar and even Akhir Lahza. Many journalists have been detained. Isn’t working in this profession just like tilting at windmills?

A: Absolutely not. The strength of the press in Sudan is that it affects the public opinion, the discourse, and those who make the decisions – despite confiscations and political repression. The majority of Sudanese are illiterate and they’d rather listen to the radio. But for the elite, the press is a major point of reference. And as such, it is looked upon by the ordinary man as a very important organ in his hands, reflecting his views and educating him.

Q: Balance and education – is this also the philosophy of your newspaper Al-Ayyam?

A: Definitely. I think what makes our newspaper special is the different types of views people find in it. We try to address issues in depth and in a very open manner. I think people who read us look for that. And I believe that this was one of the privileges of Al-Ayyam since it started in 1953. We are broken, but outspoken and very good. This combination is important. 

Q: Is it really as easy as that? After all, Al-Ayyam was closed down by the authorities from 1989 to 2000 and then again in 2003 for a couple of weeks.

A: I was over 60 years old by that time, so I relaxed a bit. No, seriously speaking, I think good journalism needs to be credible. You have to cover all events and views, even those you don’t like. But you are free to express your views decently and correctly, whatever they are. You can go against the government 100 percent, but you can’t accuse persons for things they haven’t done. That’s why we need investigative journalism in Sudan, more than ever before.

Q: But investigative journalism implicates the unveiling of a hidden truth, which leads to the question of access to information.

A: Freedom of information is definitely lacking in the shape of the Sudanese legal framework. We need a law that demands that everyone who runs an institution, private or governmental, must make information available. We suggested a law to this government five years ago and they didn’t do it. We don’t expect them to do it. We know it is impossible, but we fight for the impossible.

Q: Meaning?

A: Al Sudani recently published an article about a government official who broke the rules through his business links. The government issued orders to prevent us from commenting on this affair because the guy is under investigation. We continue fighting for our right to report on this case. Being under investigation should not mean we stop publishing. So it is possible to have investigative journalism, but I would say that it is difficult.

Q: Looking at the Sudanese newspaper market, the variety of publications seems to underpin your argument.

A: This is not a unique phenomenon for Sudan. Whenever you have a dictatorial regime, the society is closed down. But as soon as it begins to open up a little, the right to express yourself becomes predominant, because people have been kept silent for such a long time. This happened in Eastern Europe, after the fall of the communist system. This happened in Iraq after Saddam Hussein as well.

Q: So, going back to my initial question: Have you never thought of giving up and becoming a doctor or an engineer instead?

A: I decided to stay in journalism with all of the ups and downs. It has never been lucrative, it is even a poverty profession, but I persist.

Mahjoub Mohamed Salih is the editor-in-chief of Sudan’s second oldest, independent and liberal daily newspaper, Al-Ayyam. He was born in 1928 and his first articles were published in 1940 in the pupil’s section of the daily newspaper Sawt Al-Sudan. After studying at Gordon College, he founded Al-Ayaam in 1953, a daily newspaper that was shut down twice by the Sudanese authorities during the 1960s, leading him to become an editor for the English newspaper Morning News and work as a correspondent. During the Nimeiry Era, (1969 – 1985), he was a stringer for newspapers outside of Sudan. Al-Ayaam was closed from 1989 to 2000 and again from November 2003 until January 2004 for covering the war in Darfur. Salih was imprisoned several times for his coverage of critical topics.

The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the positions or opinions of the publishers of www.theniles.org

By Adam Abkar Ali | in Commentary | 07.08.2012

KHARTOUM - Demonstrations demanding Bashir’s regime to step down in Sudan began in mid-June. Sudan’s revolution comes late compared to the Arab Spring revolutions -- why? 

An observer watching the ongoing demonstrations in Sudan may simply think they lead to yet another Arab Spring revolution, especially that the language used at this stage, which has become a source of pride and boasting, bears much resemblance to successful Arab Spring revolutions. Many in Sudan are hopeful of seeing a revolution reminiscent of the two uprisings of October and March-April.

But, before going into the Arab Spring revolutions, it is necessary to ask some questions of relevance to the Sudanese issue, not as an isolated case from its surroundings. 

The Sudanese people have had precedence over other countries as far as revolutions are concerned. They overthrew two military regimes (Abboud and Nimeiri), and established a democratic system on the ruins of the crumbling military regimes. However, if so is the case, why haven't the Sudanese people taken the lead, especially that all circumstances leading to revolution are available?

The answer to this question is given by ordinary Sudanese citizens who experienced two previous revolutions. Today, they are fully aware that the revolution does not mean changing one regime for another, and democracy is not just ballot boxes and traditional parties that eventually ascend the seat of power -- they rather want to choose what they deem appropriate with absolute freedom.

Experience has taught the Sudanese people many lessons, so they will not come out and risk a revolution with unwanted results. They must know much about the alternative that is capable of introducing true change in the country.
 
Past experiences have convinced the citizens that the traditional parties, which enjoyed people’s confidence time and again, proved to be a complete failure, as they adopted a traditional view for ruling the country and failed to trigger a democratic change. All that came along were divisions --into right and left and then into right and right -- when differences developed. 

People’s memory still teems with images of such scenes that repeatedly flash before their eyes. Every democratic stage brings about the same familiar faces. People may change but the mentality remains the same because ideological concepts are identical (Ansar, Khatmiyya and the National Islamic Front), and they form an invincible barrier before other parties. Alliances could even be set up to thwart any other leftist parties.

During Sudan’s third democratic rule, the country was clearly controlled by traditional and right-wing parties because the election law and the constitution were in favour of these parties. During their rule, they failed to achieve the aspirations of Sudanese masses for a democracy which serves the people. Instead, partisan wrangling and conflicts increased. On every occasion traditional parties create pretexts and thus overthrow the democratic government. 

A source believed to belong to the National Congress Party, who preferred to remain anonymous, said: “The Sudanese people are used to eating crumbs of bread with water... They will not come out this time so that Sadiq al-Mahdi or Mohammad Osman al-Mirghani would rule the country. Their time is completely over and gone! For the Sudanese people and revolutionary forces are now the real substitute. Every time, the revolution is stolen, but not this time.”

The next revolution in Sudan may not recognise the reactionary parties which have misused democracy and exhausted their opportunities.
 
The Sudanese citizens feel bitter and lament the loss of the third democracy. The failure of democratic experiments caused the Sudanese citizens to consider carefully any steps they might take, not because the current situation is better than before, or because the current regime has brought about prosperity and dignity for the people.

All agree that the current regime is the worst the country has ever seen. It is during this regime that wars have broken out, Sudan has been fragmented, taxes have increased, prices have gone up, and the iron fist suppresses those who stand against cruelty and injustice.

The Arab Spring revolutions succeeded in some countries because people desired freedom, democracy and wanted to discard totalitarian rule. The situation in Sudan may be slightly different because the Sudanese people exercised democracy before and brought about two revolutions. Their search now is not for democracy, but for a democratic alternative. They do not want to come ‘out of the frying pan into the fire’.

The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the positions or opinions of the publishers of www.theniles.org

By Nancy Mer Adongjok

By John Adoor Deng, Australia